220
C. Nabukalu and R. Giere
work depends entirely on burners’ skills (Chidumayo & Gumbo, 2013).
The earth-mound kilns still attain below-optimum levels of efficiency,
between 8 and 11% (Namaalwa, Hofstad, & Sankhayan, 2009), which
further degrades air quality, and leads to inadequate solid waste management, as semi-burnt logs (Fig. 6.2e) are often abandoned at production
sites in the open forests (Nabukalu & Gieré, 2019). Where production
is illegal, upstream processes are supported by secrecy (Tabuti, Dhillion,
& Lye, 2003; Butz, 2013), which further complicates attempts to attain
sustainable forest management.
Incidentally, the level of stringency in the downstream supply chain
departs distinctly from the realities that are common during production. For example, despite strong bans on production (WWF, 2018),
charcoal transporters are often issued permits to move it downstream to
roadsides or decentralized trading centres or granted the right to exports
into international markets where it is traded openly and legally (Akpalu,
Dasmani, & Aglobitse, 2011). Despite being legal and permitted, transportation of charcoal occurs in the night because of illegal practices (e.g.
overloading of trucks; see Nabukalu & Gieré 2019). Demand in final
markets sustains upstream production. As observed by Owen, van der
Plas, and Sepp (2012), biomass is such an engrained source of energy in
sub-Saharan Africa that energy policy must plan for it to be both present
and still popular in the future.
Even though forest areas are receding (World Bank, 2017; Branch
& Martiniello, 2018), with charcoal shortages due to forest loss (Asfaw
& Demissie, 2012), we found during our fieldwork that some charcoal
producers in the Mityana district (Fig. 6.1) believed they could continue
to travel as nomads to sustain the charcoal supply for the future. Similarly, Owen, van der Plas, and Sepp (2012) reported ubiquity of biomass
supply and the absence of risks to its supply in the coming decades. As
with many products, scarcity may occur artificially, e.g. when induced
by market practices such as hoarding, resulting from stringent regulation. Firewood, the cheaper alternative to charcoal, is also widespread
and mostly free in rural areas, as also observed by Tabuti, Dhillion, and
Lye (2003) in Bulamogi, in eastern Uganda (Fig. 6.1).
However, the environmental impacts of producing charcoal through
the current upstream processes are largely unknown to both producers
C. Nabukalu and R. Giere
work depends entirely on burners’ skills (Chidumayo & Gumbo, 2013).
The earth-mound kilns still attain below-optimum levels of efficiency,
between 8 and 11% (Namaalwa, Hofstad, & Sankhayan, 2009), which
further degrades air quality, and leads to inadequate solid waste management, as semi-burnt logs (Fig. 6.2e) are often abandoned at production
sites in the open forests (Nabukalu & Gieré, 2019). Where production
is illegal, upstream processes are supported by secrecy (Tabuti, Dhillion,
& Lye, 2003; Butz, 2013), which further complicates attempts to attain
sustainable forest management.
Incidentally, the level of stringency in the downstream supply chain
departs distinctly from the realities that are common during production. For example, despite strong bans on production (WWF, 2018),
charcoal transporters are often issued permits to move it downstream to
roadsides or decentralized trading centres or granted the right to exports
into international markets where it is traded openly and legally (Akpalu,
Dasmani, & Aglobitse, 2011). Despite being legal and permitted, transportation of charcoal occurs in the night because of illegal practices (e.g.
overloading of trucks; see Nabukalu & Gieré 2019). Demand in final
markets sustains upstream production. As observed by Owen, van der
Plas, and Sepp (2012), biomass is such an engrained source of energy in
sub-Saharan Africa that energy policy must plan for it to be both present
and still popular in the future.
Even though forest areas are receding (World Bank, 2017; Branch
& Martiniello, 2018), with charcoal shortages due to forest loss (Asfaw
& Demissie, 2012), we found during our fieldwork that some charcoal
producers in the Mityana district (Fig. 6.1) believed they could continue
to travel as nomads to sustain the charcoal supply for the future. Similarly, Owen, van der Plas, and Sepp (2012) reported ubiquity of biomass
supply and the absence of risks to its supply in the coming decades. As
with many products, scarcity may occur artificially, e.g. when induced
by market practices such as hoarding, resulting from stringent regulation. Firewood, the cheaper alternative to charcoal, is also widespread
and mostly free in rural areas, as also observed by Tabuti, Dhillion, and
Lye (2003) in Bulamogi, in eastern Uganda (Fig. 6.1).
However, the environmental impacts of producing charcoal through
the current upstream processes are largely unknown to both producers