strategic models collide. However, it is no less true that, apart from the problems
found here [latent north/south tension and a broad and varied range of issues and
complexities (unequal north/south development, political and cultural differences,
frequently diverging geopolitical and strategic points-of-view, problems with sovereignty, migratory flows, competition for the various marine resources, and environmental issues]), the area also possesses a common historical legacy (Luciani
1984), which makes this space a bridge between Europe, the Maghreb and
Sub-Saharan Africa.
A growing network of inter-State relationships has helped to usher in an interesting period of political dialogue between European countries (the former European
Economic Community (EEC) and Arab countries (especially in the Maghreb) since
the 1970s. Progress in this process of Euro-Mediterranean rapprochement has been
embodied in the so-called Euro-Arab Dialogue and the EEC’s Mediterranean Global
Policy, both of which were unfortunately stalled, or at least put on hold, by the Gulf
War (Amin 1994). Nevertheless, a parallel Euro-Mediterranean cooperation process
has developed in the areas of the environment and science from the 1970s on: the
MEDSPA programme, a range of scientific projects, the Environmental Programme
for the Mediterranean, Euro-Mediterranean environmental and fisheries cooperation
(the 1990 Nicosia Charter, the 1992 Cairo Declaration, the 1994 Heraklion Declaration) and, of course, the Mediterranean Action Plan and the Barcelona Convention,
both of which were extended in 1995. This, what could be referred to as a ‘maritimeenvironmental’ foundation stone, took its place alongside the economic and political
foundations represented by the Euro-Mediterranean Association, the Union for the
Mediterranean and other political dialogues (dialogues initiated by NATO (the North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation), the Western European Union (WEU) and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) with non-Mediterranean
countries) (Khader 1995; Aubarell 1999; Núñez Villaverde 2005; Florensa 2017).
Both these lines of multilateral action provided a degree of hope during turbulent
historical times.
Despite many experts currently talking of the failure of the most ambitious EuroMediterranean initiatives, the possibility still exists of committing to instruments
which, even though they seem to be more modest and limited to specific topics
(science, the environment, fisheries etc.), are no less useful for that. The key to
cooperation in the Mediterranean may lie in the search for common areas for the
management of spaces and resources of natural and economic value (Grasa and
Ulied 2000) rather than getting mired in interminable arguments about civilisation,
culture and beliefs.
2 Regional Context and Maritime Governance
15
found here [latent north/south tension and a broad and varied range of issues and
complexities (unequal north/south development, political and cultural differences,
frequently diverging geopolitical and strategic points-of-view, problems with sovereignty, migratory flows, competition for the various marine resources, and environmental issues]), the area also possesses a common historical legacy (Luciani
1984), which makes this space a bridge between Europe, the Maghreb and
Sub-Saharan Africa.
A growing network of inter-State relationships has helped to usher in an interesting period of political dialogue between European countries (the former European
Economic Community (EEC) and Arab countries (especially in the Maghreb) since
the 1970s. Progress in this process of Euro-Mediterranean rapprochement has been
embodied in the so-called Euro-Arab Dialogue and the EEC’s Mediterranean Global
Policy, both of which were unfortunately stalled, or at least put on hold, by the Gulf
War (Amin 1994). Nevertheless, a parallel Euro-Mediterranean cooperation process
has developed in the areas of the environment and science from the 1970s on: the
MEDSPA programme, a range of scientific projects, the Environmental Programme
for the Mediterranean, Euro-Mediterranean environmental and fisheries cooperation
(the 1990 Nicosia Charter, the 1992 Cairo Declaration, the 1994 Heraklion Declaration) and, of course, the Mediterranean Action Plan and the Barcelona Convention,
both of which were extended in 1995. This, what could be referred to as a ‘maritimeenvironmental’ foundation stone, took its place alongside the economic and political
foundations represented by the Euro-Mediterranean Association, the Union for the
Mediterranean and other political dialogues (dialogues initiated by NATO (the North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation), the Western European Union (WEU) and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) with non-Mediterranean
countries) (Khader 1995; Aubarell 1999; Núñez Villaverde 2005; Florensa 2017).
Both these lines of multilateral action provided a degree of hope during turbulent
historical times.
Despite many experts currently talking of the failure of the most ambitious EuroMediterranean initiatives, the possibility still exists of committing to instruments
which, even though they seem to be more modest and limited to specific topics
(science, the environment, fisheries etc.), are no less useful for that. The key to
cooperation in the Mediterranean may lie in the search for common areas for the
management of spaces and resources of natural and economic value (Grasa and
Ulied 2000) rather than getting mired in interminable arguments about civilisation,
culture and beliefs.
2 Regional Context and Maritime Governance
15