equally compelling to learn that pre-war reports of Robert’s involvement—
when the ‘Haber factor’ should have been a positive—were just as downbeat
so that on the whole, the Press were probably also influenced by ignorance,
the immense respect for German science
28 at the time and Robert’s reluctance
29 to engage the public with his story. It is also certainly true that during
this time, the term ‘Haber-Le Rossignol’ process never really achieved any
popular currency. In fact, at the time this author cannot trace its use at all.
Involvement of an Englishman or not, the ‘Haber process’ was German and
HMG were determined to ‘clear the decks’ to ensure that Billingham progressed. Adequate safeguards were adopted to prevent the new company
(Synthetic Ammonia and Nitrates Ltd) passing out of British control. In
keeping with the psychological effects of the war Directors were to be British
born, measures were devised to protect against interference by the Germans in
the working of the process in the UK and the government placed all enemy
patents bearing on the process at the disposal of the new company on a
royalty basis. The payments under this arrangement were to go to the
Custodian of Enemy property for account under the reparation clauses of the
peace treaty.
30 Everything the HMG knew about Oppau was given to the
new company
31 but progress was enhanced spectacularly during 1920 with
the arrival in London of two opportunist German engineers who approached
Brunner Mond with armfuls of drawings, claiming to know all about
Haber-Bosch at Oppau, and willing to sell what they knew.
32 The legality of
such an approach of course was dubious and the Company considered its
position, but eventually they decided to buy the (evidently stolen) material
which turned out to be all that was promised. By 1923 Billingham became
operational and began moving towards its initial target of producing 60,000
tonnes of ammonium sulphate per year.
31
The success of Billingham led to a lucrative market in German ammonia
engineers and America soon followed Billingham’s path. Between November
1919 and August 1924, The Times of London published over 200 articles
referring to ‘nitrogen’ in one context or another—usually with regard to the
nitrate industry—illustrating the intense public interest in the subject. The
same period saw any number of articles referring to the ‘Haber’ or
‘Haber-Bosch’ process but now no mention of the ‘Englishman’. By the end
of the decade Billingham had grown to rival the technical magnificence of
Oppau and Leuna. So much so that its modernity and the symbol of
regeneration it represented is believed to have inspired Aldous Huxley to pen
his Brave New World, often regarded as one of the best novels of all time. But
what must Robert have thought of the appearance of a ‘nitrogen factory’ on
UK soil? The fleeting association of his name alongside Haber’s in the article
334
D. Sheppard
when the ‘Haber factor’ should have been a positive—were just as downbeat
so that on the whole, the Press were probably also influenced by ignorance,
the immense respect for German science
28 at the time and Robert’s reluctance
29 to engage the public with his story. It is also certainly true that during
this time, the term ‘Haber-Le Rossignol’ process never really achieved any
popular currency. In fact, at the time this author cannot trace its use at all.
Involvement of an Englishman or not, the ‘Haber process’ was German and
HMG were determined to ‘clear the decks’ to ensure that Billingham progressed. Adequate safeguards were adopted to prevent the new company
(Synthetic Ammonia and Nitrates Ltd) passing out of British control. In
keeping with the psychological effects of the war Directors were to be British
born, measures were devised to protect against interference by the Germans in
the working of the process in the UK and the government placed all enemy
patents bearing on the process at the disposal of the new company on a
royalty basis. The payments under this arrangement were to go to the
Custodian of Enemy property for account under the reparation clauses of the
peace treaty.
30 Everything the HMG knew about Oppau was given to the
new company
31 but progress was enhanced spectacularly during 1920 with
the arrival in London of two opportunist German engineers who approached
Brunner Mond with armfuls of drawings, claiming to know all about
Haber-Bosch at Oppau, and willing to sell what they knew.
32 The legality of
such an approach of course was dubious and the Company considered its
position, but eventually they decided to buy the (evidently stolen) material
which turned out to be all that was promised. By 1923 Billingham became
operational and began moving towards its initial target of producing 60,000
tonnes of ammonium sulphate per year.
31
The success of Billingham led to a lucrative market in German ammonia
engineers and America soon followed Billingham’s path. Between November
1919 and August 1924, The Times of London published over 200 articles
referring to ‘nitrogen’ in one context or another—usually with regard to the
nitrate industry—illustrating the intense public interest in the subject. The
same period saw any number of articles referring to the ‘Haber’ or
‘Haber-Bosch’ process but now no mention of the ‘Englishman’. By the end
of the decade Billingham had grown to rival the technical magnificence of
Oppau and Leuna. So much so that its modernity and the symbol of
regeneration it represented is believed to have inspired Aldous Huxley to pen
his Brave New World, often regarded as one of the best novels of all time. But
what must Robert have thought of the appearance of a ‘nitrogen factory’ on
UK soil? The fleeting association of his name alongside Haber’s in the article
334
D. Sheppard