84
G. Jackson and A. Piggott-McKellar
Ethnographic investigations have highlighted the central role spirits play within
Pacific Island societies (Bird-David 1999; Lindstrom 1990). While no two cultures
are the same, there are commonly three forms of spirits: creator spirits (or gods in
some Polynesian societies) which are linked to genesis stories; nature spirits which
can influence the weather and other physical processes; and ancestral spirits with
whom the living can communicate and who often intervene in human affairs (e.g.,
sorcery, crop growth, protection) (Lindstrom 1990; Sørum 1982). Recognition of the
centrality of spirits is crucial to understanding Indigenous ontological worldviews.
It has been reported that spirits and sometimes gods play a role in causing
natural hazards while also intervening to protect societies if called upon (Falck
2018; Laughlin 2018; Sillitoe 1993). The belief in spirits being responsible for
phenomena is a widespread human trait which features in pagan and monotheist religions throughout history in all geographic locations (Donner 2007). Narratives that
seek to explain natural hazards by attributing them to spirits have two key purposes.
First, they provide solace through rationalising the seemingly chaotic and random
nature of disruptive phenomena (e.g., Barrios 2015; Eisenbruch 2020; Taylor 1995).
Second, they have a more practical purpose in providing warnings and lessons about
the physical risks to which societies are exposed (Janif et al. 2016), which then
informs strategies such as early warning and food system redundancy (e.g., food
storage, extensive kinship networks, drought tolerant cultivars). Many Pacific Island
cultures developed both spiritual (e.g., moral codes, ritual) and practical adaptations
to periodic environmental perturbations (Campbell 1990; Jackson 2020).
With the introduction and dissemination of Christian teachings throughout the
Pacific Islands, the old spirits were not always fully replaced but sometimes reinterpreted within a Christian framework (Falck 2018; Macdonald 2018; Tomlinson and
McDougall 2012). Many Pacific Island cultures had a creator being in their genesis
stories and this sometimes became God, while spirits sometimes became angels and
demons. Many Melanesian cultures have strong eschatological beliefs or millennialist tendencies (Frankel 1986; Robbins 2001; Sillitoe 1993). Stories of the Second
Coming and Last Judgement in the Bible were sometimes used by missionaries
to show that Christianity was a more developed and universal expression of their
own eschatological beliefs (Jebens 2000). Some cultures comprehensively did away
with many of their Indigenous practices and beliefs (Robbins 1995; Tomlinson and
McDougall 2012), while others maintained both traditional beliefs alongside strong
religious faith despite contradictions in stories and meanings (Rudiak-Gould 2010).
There is no denying the profound impact of Christianity on social formations, political power, land use, and broader socioecological relationships in the
Pacific Island region. Perhaps most profoundly was the observed transformation of
Nature-as-subject to Nature-as-object in some socities, which, for example, justified doing away with previous ecological taboos (e.g., sacred areas, trees, animals)
and thus led to a greater human impact on ecological systems (Robbins 1995). The
changing contours of socioecological relations are critically important to understanding changing exposure and, at times, vulnerability to hazards and climate change
(Jackson et al. 2020). Additionally, whereas ritual was formerly the primary means
of appeasing spirits to ensure climatic stability and food security, Christianity has led
G. Jackson and A. Piggott-McKellar
Ethnographic investigations have highlighted the central role spirits play within
Pacific Island societies (Bird-David 1999; Lindstrom 1990). While no two cultures
are the same, there are commonly three forms of spirits: creator spirits (or gods in
some Polynesian societies) which are linked to genesis stories; nature spirits which
can influence the weather and other physical processes; and ancestral spirits with
whom the living can communicate and who often intervene in human affairs (e.g.,
sorcery, crop growth, protection) (Lindstrom 1990; Sørum 1982). Recognition of the
centrality of spirits is crucial to understanding Indigenous ontological worldviews.
It has been reported that spirits and sometimes gods play a role in causing
natural hazards while also intervening to protect societies if called upon (Falck
2018; Laughlin 2018; Sillitoe 1993). The belief in spirits being responsible for
phenomena is a widespread human trait which features in pagan and monotheist religions throughout history in all geographic locations (Donner 2007). Narratives that
seek to explain natural hazards by attributing them to spirits have two key purposes.
First, they provide solace through rationalising the seemingly chaotic and random
nature of disruptive phenomena (e.g., Barrios 2015; Eisenbruch 2020; Taylor 1995).
Second, they have a more practical purpose in providing warnings and lessons about
the physical risks to which societies are exposed (Janif et al. 2016), which then
informs strategies such as early warning and food system redundancy (e.g., food
storage, extensive kinship networks, drought tolerant cultivars). Many Pacific Island
cultures developed both spiritual (e.g., moral codes, ritual) and practical adaptations
to periodic environmental perturbations (Campbell 1990; Jackson 2020).
With the introduction and dissemination of Christian teachings throughout the
Pacific Islands, the old spirits were not always fully replaced but sometimes reinterpreted within a Christian framework (Falck 2018; Macdonald 2018; Tomlinson and
McDougall 2012). Many Pacific Island cultures had a creator being in their genesis
stories and this sometimes became God, while spirits sometimes became angels and
demons. Many Melanesian cultures have strong eschatological beliefs or millennialist tendencies (Frankel 1986; Robbins 2001; Sillitoe 1993). Stories of the Second
Coming and Last Judgement in the Bible were sometimes used by missionaries
to show that Christianity was a more developed and universal expression of their
own eschatological beliefs (Jebens 2000). Some cultures comprehensively did away
with many of their Indigenous practices and beliefs (Robbins 1995; Tomlinson and
McDougall 2012), while others maintained both traditional beliefs alongside strong
religious faith despite contradictions in stories and meanings (Rudiak-Gould 2010).
There is no denying the profound impact of Christianity on social formations, political power, land use, and broader socioecological relationships in the
Pacific Island region. Perhaps most profoundly was the observed transformation of
Nature-as-subject to Nature-as-object in some socities, which, for example, justified doing away with previous ecological taboos (e.g., sacred areas, trees, animals)
and thus led to a greater human impact on ecological systems (Robbins 1995). The
changing contours of socioecological relations are critically important to understanding changing exposure and, at times, vulnerability to hazards and climate change
(Jackson et al. 2020). Additionally, whereas ritual was formerly the primary means
of appeasing spirits to ensure climatic stability and food security, Christianity has led