260
J. Atkinson-Nolte et al.
The first step is to acknowledge their contrasting worldviews and to incorporate these
where possible within community-driven and owned adaptation strategies (Donner
2007; McNamara et al. 2020).
Our surveys on Ono Island showed that more people than might be expected in
a rural peripheral Pacific Island context demonstrated an understanding of climate
science and, as a result, were considering adaptation strategies which were aligned
with those that western science would likely prioritize (such as coastal reforestation
and upslope relocation). This highlights the needed and likely future (a decade or
so hence) where religious beliefs are maintained whilst also responding to climate
change in an adaptive manner. We attribute the comparatively ‘enlightened’ situation
on Ono to the presence of Narikoso Village, which has achieved iconic status as a
community requiring (and accepting the need for) relocation, plausibly as a result
of sea-level rise. Yet the notable awareness evident on Ono should not be overstated
as it is clear that this could also be partly due to the inclusion of climate change
information within high-school curricula within the Pacific Islands region for more
than a decade (Nakayama et al. 2019; Scott-Parker et al. 2017). Accordingly, younger
adults on Ono have acquired a science-based understanding of climate change that
appears to already be influencing (planned) community responses.
Traditional-Cultural Beliefs
People have probably lived on Ono Island for more than two thousand years (Burley
and Balenaivalu 2012), developing an intimate knowledge of its natural environment (marine and terrestrial), its possibilities and limitations. Navigating changes
in the climate drivers of environmental sustainability over this time, especially
within the last millennium (Nunn 2007), has also led to the evolution of culturallygrounded protocols for helping ensure sustainability. While undoubtedly grounded
in pre-Christian (pre-1860) worldviews about which we know little today, these
protocols include the conservation/restoration of overutilized resources, an intimate
understanding of seasons (when to plant and harvest), and the routine production
of surpluses (and their long-term preservation) to sustain communities in times of
exigency (Johannes 2002; Lefale 2010; Aalbersberg et al. 1988).
Many such practices continue on Ono Island today and are considered by its Christian residents as cultural (rather than religious and pre-Christian). These practices
can be considered culture-defining and some appear as important in decision-making,
especially for environmental futures, as faith-informed beliefs. Rather than being in
competition with Nature, Pacific Islanders view themselves as highly connected and
embedded within their natural environment (Nunn et al. 2016). This may be expressed
as respect for places, their boundaries, and their history and relation to revered ancestors. Such places exist on Ono Island, whereby cultural practices must be performed
and outsiders may not be granted access. This is of relevance as many ceremonies,
such as those considering changes to land, invoke the spirits of former inhabitants
J. Atkinson-Nolte et al.
The first step is to acknowledge their contrasting worldviews and to incorporate these
where possible within community-driven and owned adaptation strategies (Donner
2007; McNamara et al. 2020).
Our surveys on Ono Island showed that more people than might be expected in
a rural peripheral Pacific Island context demonstrated an understanding of climate
science and, as a result, were considering adaptation strategies which were aligned
with those that western science would likely prioritize (such as coastal reforestation
and upslope relocation). This highlights the needed and likely future (a decade or
so hence) where religious beliefs are maintained whilst also responding to climate
change in an adaptive manner. We attribute the comparatively ‘enlightened’ situation
on Ono to the presence of Narikoso Village, which has achieved iconic status as a
community requiring (and accepting the need for) relocation, plausibly as a result
of sea-level rise. Yet the notable awareness evident on Ono should not be overstated
as it is clear that this could also be partly due to the inclusion of climate change
information within high-school curricula within the Pacific Islands region for more
than a decade (Nakayama et al. 2019; Scott-Parker et al. 2017). Accordingly, younger
adults on Ono have acquired a science-based understanding of climate change that
appears to already be influencing (planned) community responses.
Traditional-Cultural Beliefs
People have probably lived on Ono Island for more than two thousand years (Burley
and Balenaivalu 2012), developing an intimate knowledge of its natural environment (marine and terrestrial), its possibilities and limitations. Navigating changes
in the climate drivers of environmental sustainability over this time, especially
within the last millennium (Nunn 2007), has also led to the evolution of culturallygrounded protocols for helping ensure sustainability. While undoubtedly grounded
in pre-Christian (pre-1860) worldviews about which we know little today, these
protocols include the conservation/restoration of overutilized resources, an intimate
understanding of seasons (when to plant and harvest), and the routine production
of surpluses (and their long-term preservation) to sustain communities in times of
exigency (Johannes 2002; Lefale 2010; Aalbersberg et al. 1988).
Many such practices continue on Ono Island today and are considered by its Christian residents as cultural (rather than religious and pre-Christian). These practices
can be considered culture-defining and some appear as important in decision-making,
especially for environmental futures, as faith-informed beliefs. Rather than being in
competition with Nature, Pacific Islanders view themselves as highly connected and
embedded within their natural environment (Nunn et al. 2016). This may be expressed
as respect for places, their boundaries, and their history and relation to revered ancestors. Such places exist on Ono Island, whereby cultural practices must be performed
and outsiders may not be granted access. This is of relevance as many ceremonies,
such as those considering changes to land, invoke the spirits of former inhabitants