254
J. Atkinson-Nolte et al.
The importance of all this to Ono residents’ observations of climate change is
that their religious views (and the messaging of local church leaders) allow people to
downplay (occasionally exaggerate) observed effects. If land is deemed God-given,
then its existence must be under divine protection so that, if this land is damaged,
then God must have been angered and the most-commonly favoured solution (as
discussed in section “Responses to Climate-Change Impacts on Ono” below) may
be spiritual rather than secular, immanent rather than pragmatic.
There is also a gender dimension to the understanding of climate-change impacts
that reflects a woman’s role in traditional societies such as those on Ono (du Bray
et al. 2019). The expression of this view is also gendered, most women reluctant
to talk about such matters when men are present but often voluble on the subject
when men are absent. From our female-only focus groups, we deduce that many
women understand perfectly well what is causing increased lowland flooding and
shoreline erosion. More than any other groups, mature women appear more resigned
to a future requiring upslope relocation, an expression of the greater responsibility
that many feel for the welfare of the community compared with some males. But what
was unexpected was that most younger women we interviewed had little interest in
observing environmental changes on Ono, something we attribute both to their being
preoccupied with more-immediate matters (like childcare or tending sickly family
elders) and to the fact that many come from elsewhere in Fiji—most newly-wed
couples settle in the husband’s village—so had comparatively little familiarity with
the Ono environment.
Ono Residents’ Views on the Causes of Climate Change
Most people we spoke to on Ono Island had heard about ‘climate change’ but their
understanding of its nature and its scientific causes was variable. In terms of proximal
causes, many residents were keen to blame their actions and those of others for
unwanted environmental changes like coastal erosion and flooding. Some residents,
more commonly male, argued that people’s interference with coastal processes—by
chopping down mangroves, for instance—had aggravated shoreline erosion. Others,
more commonly female, often argued that their neighbours or their community had
become insufficiently devout or had strayed from the true faith, for which God was
punishing them. Perceptions of this kind clearly influence the responses favoured for
climate-change adaptation (see section “Responses to Climate-Change Impacts on
Ono”).
In terms of ultimate causes, we found a similar divide. Younger residents in particular were ready to blame global human activities (like fossil-fuel combustion and
deforestation) for causing climate change, a situation that is a microcosm of the entire
Pacific Islands region from which some of the loudest protests come from younger
people like the Pacific Climate Warriors (see Ledderucci, this volume; Titifanue et al.
2017; Steiner 2015). On Ono Island, part of this awareness stems from the presence
in Narikoso Village of Kelepi Saukitoga, an articulate and well-informed person who
J. Atkinson-Nolte et al.
The importance of all this to Ono residents’ observations of climate change is
that their religious views (and the messaging of local church leaders) allow people to
downplay (occasionally exaggerate) observed effects. If land is deemed God-given,
then its existence must be under divine protection so that, if this land is damaged,
then God must have been angered and the most-commonly favoured solution (as
discussed in section “Responses to Climate-Change Impacts on Ono” below) may
be spiritual rather than secular, immanent rather than pragmatic.
There is also a gender dimension to the understanding of climate-change impacts
that reflects a woman’s role in traditional societies such as those on Ono (du Bray
et al. 2019). The expression of this view is also gendered, most women reluctant
to talk about such matters when men are present but often voluble on the subject
when men are absent. From our female-only focus groups, we deduce that many
women understand perfectly well what is causing increased lowland flooding and
shoreline erosion. More than any other groups, mature women appear more resigned
to a future requiring upslope relocation, an expression of the greater responsibility
that many feel for the welfare of the community compared with some males. But what
was unexpected was that most younger women we interviewed had little interest in
observing environmental changes on Ono, something we attribute both to their being
preoccupied with more-immediate matters (like childcare or tending sickly family
elders) and to the fact that many come from elsewhere in Fiji—most newly-wed
couples settle in the husband’s village—so had comparatively little familiarity with
the Ono environment.
Ono Residents’ Views on the Causes of Climate Change
Most people we spoke to on Ono Island had heard about ‘climate change’ but their
understanding of its nature and its scientific causes was variable. In terms of proximal
causes, many residents were keen to blame their actions and those of others for
unwanted environmental changes like coastal erosion and flooding. Some residents,
more commonly male, argued that people’s interference with coastal processes—by
chopping down mangroves, for instance—had aggravated shoreline erosion. Others,
more commonly female, often argued that their neighbours or their community had
become insufficiently devout or had strayed from the true faith, for which God was
punishing them. Perceptions of this kind clearly influence the responses favoured for
climate-change adaptation (see section “Responses to Climate-Change Impacts on
Ono”).
In terms of ultimate causes, we found a similar divide. Younger residents in particular were ready to blame global human activities (like fossil-fuel combustion and
deforestation) for causing climate change, a situation that is a microcosm of the entire
Pacific Islands region from which some of the loudest protests come from younger
people like the Pacific Climate Warriors (see Ledderucci, this volume; Titifanue et al.
2017; Steiner 2015). On Ono Island, part of this awareness stems from the presence
in Narikoso Village of Kelepi Saukitoga, an articulate and well-informed person who