220
R. Gard
Veitayaki and Holland, the English phrase ‘climate change’ or a vernacular translation should not even be used in the initial phases of the project; it should be introduced later, once the community has already shown interest in drafting a community resource management plan” (Veitayaki and Holland 2018: 1). More broadly,
climate change narratives tend to use insider-outsider perspectives and conceptual
language, such as using terms like “climate refugees” that Pacific Islanders may not
find relatable or even understandable (Luetz and Merson 2019). According to Luetz
and Merson “inclusivity in coining conceptualizations has already made advances in
discourses about disability, and there is the hope that “inclusion” may be similarly
normalized in the climate migration domain” (2019: 6). As previously noted, the
“‘nothing about us, without us’ (Charlton 2000) cry within the disability discourse,
calling for representation in a bureaucratic system of oppression and disempowerment, is hauntingly relevant” in the climate change discourse (Luetz et al. 2019:
120).
Creating an effective risk education program requires a thorough understanding
of alternative mental models of climate risk and social context. Some communities
and lay individuals will have sophisticated mental models and understanding of risk,
but often mental models may be limited and include elements of misinformation
or misperceptions which may in turn encumber effective decisions and responsive
actions. Thus, through weaving local and indigenous knowledge from a communities
collective experiences, with educational and decision-support systems, increased
uptake and best results are probable. For instance, the traditional example of tabu,
tapu
3 or kapu and limiting the usage of fish ponds until a population has returned
to a sustainable population in Hawai‘i serves as inspiration in current waterways
management (Chirico and Farley 2015).
It is also worth noting that engagement tools which are dependent on electricity
and internet access, such as websites and email, may not be available to communities,
especially those in rural and remote areas. For instance, in the aftermath of Tropical
Cyclone Winston I found verbal communication via mobile phone and in person
(often at the same time daily or weekly), to be most effective, as most were without
reliable access to electricity and internet.
Moving forward policymakers will benefit from community partnerships that
encourage shared, informed decision making such as in the Lomani Gau project.
There is tremendous value in collaborative, place-based approaches to identifying
and tackling communal needs and associated risks. Through working with scientists,
cultural and religious leaders, and community groups meaningful, collaborative and
sustained bottom-up response to the climate crisis can be achieved.
3 Tabu, tapu or kapu is a traditional concept prevalent throughout Polynesia that denotes an area or
object is sacred, with “spiritual restriction” or “implied prohibition.” It may also denote prohibitions
or rules associated with being “out of bounds” and is the origin for the Western concept of taboo.
R. Gard
Veitayaki and Holland, the English phrase ‘climate change’ or a vernacular translation should not even be used in the initial phases of the project; it should be introduced later, once the community has already shown interest in drafting a community resource management plan” (Veitayaki and Holland 2018: 1). More broadly,
climate change narratives tend to use insider-outsider perspectives and conceptual
language, such as using terms like “climate refugees” that Pacific Islanders may not
find relatable or even understandable (Luetz and Merson 2019). According to Luetz
and Merson “inclusivity in coining conceptualizations has already made advances in
discourses about disability, and there is the hope that “inclusion” may be similarly
normalized in the climate migration domain” (2019: 6). As previously noted, the
“‘nothing about us, without us’ (Charlton 2000) cry within the disability discourse,
calling for representation in a bureaucratic system of oppression and disempowerment, is hauntingly relevant” in the climate change discourse (Luetz et al. 2019:
120).
Creating an effective risk education program requires a thorough understanding
of alternative mental models of climate risk and social context. Some communities
and lay individuals will have sophisticated mental models and understanding of risk,
but often mental models may be limited and include elements of misinformation
or misperceptions which may in turn encumber effective decisions and responsive
actions. Thus, through weaving local and indigenous knowledge from a communities
collective experiences, with educational and decision-support systems, increased
uptake and best results are probable. For instance, the traditional example of tabu,
tapu
3 or kapu and limiting the usage of fish ponds until a population has returned
to a sustainable population in Hawai‘i serves as inspiration in current waterways
management (Chirico and Farley 2015).
It is also worth noting that engagement tools which are dependent on electricity
and internet access, such as websites and email, may not be available to communities,
especially those in rural and remote areas. For instance, in the aftermath of Tropical
Cyclone Winston I found verbal communication via mobile phone and in person
(often at the same time daily or weekly), to be most effective, as most were without
reliable access to electricity and internet.
Moving forward policymakers will benefit from community partnerships that
encourage shared, informed decision making such as in the Lomani Gau project.
There is tremendous value in collaborative, place-based approaches to identifying
and tackling communal needs and associated risks. Through working with scientists,
cultural and religious leaders, and community groups meaningful, collaborative and
sustained bottom-up response to the climate crisis can be achieved.
3 Tabu, tapu or kapu is a traditional concept prevalent throughout Polynesia that denotes an area or
object is sacred, with “spiritual restriction” or “implied prohibition.” It may also denote prohibitions
or rules associated with being “out of bounds” and is the origin for the Western concept of taboo.