7 Cyclone Winston: Catholic Women’s Faith …
119
Understanding Faith
In 2014 an expatriate representative from an international organisation presented
a study on women and climate change in Tuvalu at The University of the South
Pacific. The overseas gender consultant who conducted the study showed a pie chart
with brightly coloured segments indicating the percentage of time women spent on
different aspects of their daily lives. One core element was missing. A participant
pointed out that ‘church and faith’ were not included. The presenter agreed this was
missing and, clearly unsure of how to categorize this, asked the audience, ‘What
would that come under? … hobbies?’ There were audible intakes of air in the room.
This example, far from unprecedented, demonstrates the conspicuous lack of understanding by many outsiders of the pervasive nature of religious and spiritual beliefs
in every aspect of Pacific Islanders’ everyday activities and decision-making (see
also Nunn et al. 2016).
Although the time women in Pacific Island communities spend on church-related
activities is part of the extensive, frequently unacknowledged, work they do, an
approach that compartmentalizes women’s everyday lives and agency into neat
segments and then merely adds ‘church and faith’ as another segment, has entirely
missed the point. For, as Yabaki (2006) notes, iTaukei (indigenous Fijian) women’s
religious values influence the way they make sense of the world. Similarly, MeoSewabu’s (2016) study of women in Lau, Fiji, shows that their faith is a source of
inner strength that informs every aspect of their daily lives.
There is a widespread lack of understanding of the importance of faith and faith
practices throughout much of development, climate change and DRR engagement
and intervention, especially by people raised in secular societies. This situation has
major ramifications. For example, Paton and Fairbairn-Dunlop (2010) note that the
institutions valued most by Tuvaluans, such as family, traditional structures, local
government and church, are never taken into account in climate change initiatives
by foreign donors. Fair (2018, p.12) stresses that it is crucial to include “multiple
epistemologies of climate change” and understand the links between local perspectives and science in climate change interventions. As Nunn (2017, p. 3) argues “the
one reason for the failure of external interventions for climate-change adaptation in
Pacific Island communities is the wholly secular nature of their messages”. And,
as the above story shows, even when there is some openness to a religious dimension, faith and faith practices are at best seen as appendages, feel-good add-ons that
provide individuals with emotional comfort. At worst, they are seen as obstructions
to development (Nunn 2017).
Wæver (2011) emphasizes that 85% of the world’s population hold religious
beliefs and half of the world believes that religion should have more significance
in the workings of a society. Yet, despite the importance of spirituality, faith and
faith practices in developing countries, these core elements of people’s life worlds
are largely absent in climate change and DRR strategies. Fountain et al. (2004)
and McGregor (2010) for example, writing on DRR interventions in Samoa and in
Indonesia, point out that the role of religion received scant attention. In addition,
119
Understanding Faith
In 2014 an expatriate representative from an international organisation presented
a study on women and climate change in Tuvalu at The University of the South
Pacific. The overseas gender consultant who conducted the study showed a pie chart
with brightly coloured segments indicating the percentage of time women spent on
different aspects of their daily lives. One core element was missing. A participant
pointed out that ‘church and faith’ were not included. The presenter agreed this was
missing and, clearly unsure of how to categorize this, asked the audience, ‘What
would that come under? … hobbies?’ There were audible intakes of air in the room.
This example, far from unprecedented, demonstrates the conspicuous lack of understanding by many outsiders of the pervasive nature of religious and spiritual beliefs
in every aspect of Pacific Islanders’ everyday activities and decision-making (see
also Nunn et al. 2016).
Although the time women in Pacific Island communities spend on church-related
activities is part of the extensive, frequently unacknowledged, work they do, an
approach that compartmentalizes women’s everyday lives and agency into neat
segments and then merely adds ‘church and faith’ as another segment, has entirely
missed the point. For, as Yabaki (2006) notes, iTaukei (indigenous Fijian) women’s
religious values influence the way they make sense of the world. Similarly, MeoSewabu’s (2016) study of women in Lau, Fiji, shows that their faith is a source of
inner strength that informs every aspect of their daily lives.
There is a widespread lack of understanding of the importance of faith and faith
practices throughout much of development, climate change and DRR engagement
and intervention, especially by people raised in secular societies. This situation has
major ramifications. For example, Paton and Fairbairn-Dunlop (2010) note that the
institutions valued most by Tuvaluans, such as family, traditional structures, local
government and church, are never taken into account in climate change initiatives
by foreign donors. Fair (2018, p.12) stresses that it is crucial to include “multiple
epistemologies of climate change” and understand the links between local perspectives and science in climate change interventions. As Nunn (2017, p. 3) argues “the
one reason for the failure of external interventions for climate-change adaptation in
Pacific Island communities is the wholly secular nature of their messages”. And,
as the above story shows, even when there is some openness to a religious dimension, faith and faith practices are at best seen as appendages, feel-good add-ons that
provide individuals with emotional comfort. At worst, they are seen as obstructions
to development (Nunn 2017).
Wæver (2011) emphasizes that 85% of the world’s population hold religious
beliefs and half of the world believes that religion should have more significance
in the workings of a society. Yet, despite the importance of spirituality, faith and
faith practices in developing countries, these core elements of people’s life worlds
are largely absent in climate change and DRR strategies. Fountain et al. (2004)
and McGregor (2010) for example, writing on DRR interventions in Samoa and in
Indonesia, point out that the role of religion received scant attention. In addition,