5 Gods, Spirits and Natural Hazards …
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magic (Jackson, forthcoming). When the missionary, Tom Hoey from Brisbane,
arrived in the Bedamuni territory, his main intention was to learn the language,
translate the bible, and convert the Bedamuni, who he regarded as fallen people
needing to be saved from the clutches of the devil.
After learning many customary beliefs, Hoey identified a similar Indigenous story
of a great historical flood and initially drew from this and the example of Noah’s
Ark to show similarities within the Bedamuni and western belief systems (Mackay
and Hoey 1984). Furthermore, the Bedamuni had many moral stories which detailed
how to live and behave; they had a single creator spirit Awamuni who created a
woman and populated the earth, a story that aligns with the Christian belief in Adam
and Eve. Over time most Bedamuni, like almost all Papuans, became practicing
Christians. When GJ spoke to the now elderly Gidama, the first Bedamuni pastor,
he suggested that Christianity did not conflict with his understanding of traditional
religion. Yet speaking with elders who were closest to the missionary, they admitted
an element of opportunism (material benefit) to be gained by this arrangement. Many
Bedamuni elders’ admitted to still holding Indigenous beliefs concurrently but saw
no significant moral contradiction with this.
Between the establishment of a mission in 1968 and 2018, when fieldwork was
undertaken, significant changes have occurred to Bedamuni religion: there was
limited transmission of knowledge regarding spirit communication, initiations are no
longer practiced, knowledge of early warning indicators of hazards were lost, among
many other changes. For example, while still believing in spirits, most people now
pray to God to help with any hardship, whether from hazards, growing food insecurity, or illness (Jackson 2020). Gidama expressed it this way, through a translator,
“he believes that when he prays, they pray, help will come. Now they pray, when the
problem came in, they prayed, and [missionary’s daughter] came into assist [during
the 2015/16 El Nino]” (13-08-2018). While unique, the three Christian denominations—Evangelical, Seventh Day Adventist, and Catholic—, are now very important
institutions within Bedamuni society, apparently taking over some of the role of
traditional social protection, which was once solely the responsibility of clans and
kinship networks.
The Contemporary Period
The third stage is characterised by the introduction of the scientific perspective of
hazards into case study sites and the influence this has (or has not) had on people’s
ontological and epistemological understanding of hazards. As Kiribati has received
global attention and funding for its universally acknowledged exposure to climate
change, this case study provides a contrast with that of the Bedamuni who, while
experiencing the impacts of climate change (especially in regard to precipitation
patterns, increasing temperatures, and pest increases) have had less exposure to these
discourses.
91
magic (Jackson, forthcoming). When the missionary, Tom Hoey from Brisbane,
arrived in the Bedamuni territory, his main intention was to learn the language,
translate the bible, and convert the Bedamuni, who he regarded as fallen people
needing to be saved from the clutches of the devil.
After learning many customary beliefs, Hoey identified a similar Indigenous story
of a great historical flood and initially drew from this and the example of Noah’s
Ark to show similarities within the Bedamuni and western belief systems (Mackay
and Hoey 1984). Furthermore, the Bedamuni had many moral stories which detailed
how to live and behave; they had a single creator spirit Awamuni who created a
woman and populated the earth, a story that aligns with the Christian belief in Adam
and Eve. Over time most Bedamuni, like almost all Papuans, became practicing
Christians. When GJ spoke to the now elderly Gidama, the first Bedamuni pastor,
he suggested that Christianity did not conflict with his understanding of traditional
religion. Yet speaking with elders who were closest to the missionary, they admitted
an element of opportunism (material benefit) to be gained by this arrangement. Many
Bedamuni elders’ admitted to still holding Indigenous beliefs concurrently but saw
no significant moral contradiction with this.
Between the establishment of a mission in 1968 and 2018, when fieldwork was
undertaken, significant changes have occurred to Bedamuni religion: there was
limited transmission of knowledge regarding spirit communication, initiations are no
longer practiced, knowledge of early warning indicators of hazards were lost, among
many other changes. For example, while still believing in spirits, most people now
pray to God to help with any hardship, whether from hazards, growing food insecurity, or illness (Jackson 2020). Gidama expressed it this way, through a translator,
“he believes that when he prays, they pray, help will come. Now they pray, when the
problem came in, they prayed, and [missionary’s daughter] came into assist [during
the 2015/16 El Nino]” (13-08-2018). While unique, the three Christian denominations—Evangelical, Seventh Day Adventist, and Catholic—, are now very important
institutions within Bedamuni society, apparently taking over some of the role of
traditional social protection, which was once solely the responsibility of clans and
kinship networks.
The Contemporary Period
The third stage is characterised by the introduction of the scientific perspective of
hazards into case study sites and the influence this has (or has not) had on people’s
ontological and epistemological understanding of hazards. As Kiribati has received
global attention and funding for its universally acknowledged exposure to climate
change, this case study provides a contrast with that of the Bedamuni who, while
experiencing the impacts of climate change (especially in regard to precipitation
patterns, increasing temperatures, and pest increases) have had less exposure to these
discourses.