land, and people could enjoy usufruct (vruchtgebruik). Although people did not have
property rights, they could take hold of cleared land with trees without limit as long
as they used the land; otherwise, if unused for 3 years, the land reverted to the domain
of the king/sultan. People could clear empty land—even those who did not belong to
the particular village near the empty land (Reep 1907, pp. 388–390). After the island
came under the direct control of the colonial government, the right to clear land was
recognized with permission, and people cleared land legally and illegally. Land
cleared legally was recognized as an inheritable individual holding right (erfelijk
individueel bezitrecht) (Reep 1906, pp. 367–369).
Of the businesses on Bengkalis Island, fishery is most important, followed by
agriculture (Reep 1907, p. 370). In the forest there were many useful trees that were
typical for peatland like geroenggang (Cratoxylum arborescens BI.), meranti bakau
(Shorea uliginosa (Dipterocarpaceae)), and so on. People from outside the area could
cut these trees on condition that they pay 10% of the value they harvested as tax,
called pantjong-alam, to the head of the indigenous people’s community (Reep
1906, pp. 390–392). Jelutung (Dyera costulata) was an important export commodity
in the 1930s from outer Indonesia (areas outside Java and Madoera), especially from
Sumatra. Sago had also played an important role as an international commodity
(de Boer 1939, pp. 394–430).
The Sultan of Deli, Sumatra, viewed his domain as his personal property, which
his subjects were permitted to clear and cultivate as much as they needed to support
themselves. As the population then was small, most of the land was still covered in
forest and available to anyone for the asking, particularly if the applicant was ready
to pay for the permission to clear and cultivate a part of the domain of the local chiefs
(Pelzer 1978, pp. 66–67).
Local people made use of the land for cutting timber, and also extracting
non-timber products such as latex from the jelutong, and produced sago, dried
rice, and rubber. Of these, timber, firewood, charcoal, rubber, jelutong latex, and
sago were exported. These activities basically did not disturb the peatland ecosystem. On Bengkalis Island, local people could clear empty land and obtain the
usufruct right. In Deli, people could clear land owned by the sultan as long as they
paid for the permission. The custom of the right to clear land, including peatland,
was colliding with the development of state land and state forests where most of the
peatlands are located. Here we see the development of the idea of state land and state
forests.
23.2.3 The State Forests and People’s Rights to Clear Land
from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century
The idea of state forests has its beginnings in the nineteenth century, from the
administration of Herman Willem Daendels in Java. The Timber Forest Act in
Java and Madoera of 1865 designated the teak timber forests as state land (Van de
632
K. Mizuno et al.
property rights, they could take hold of cleared land with trees without limit as long
as they used the land; otherwise, if unused for 3 years, the land reverted to the domain
of the king/sultan. People could clear empty land—even those who did not belong to
the particular village near the empty land (Reep 1907, pp. 388–390). After the island
came under the direct control of the colonial government, the right to clear land was
recognized with permission, and people cleared land legally and illegally. Land
cleared legally was recognized as an inheritable individual holding right (erfelijk
individueel bezitrecht) (Reep 1906, pp. 367–369).
Of the businesses on Bengkalis Island, fishery is most important, followed by
agriculture (Reep 1907, p. 370). In the forest there were many useful trees that were
typical for peatland like geroenggang (Cratoxylum arborescens BI.), meranti bakau
(Shorea uliginosa (Dipterocarpaceae)), and so on. People from outside the area could
cut these trees on condition that they pay 10% of the value they harvested as tax,
called pantjong-alam, to the head of the indigenous people’s community (Reep
1906, pp. 390–392). Jelutung (Dyera costulata) was an important export commodity
in the 1930s from outer Indonesia (areas outside Java and Madoera), especially from
Sumatra. Sago had also played an important role as an international commodity
(de Boer 1939, pp. 394–430).
The Sultan of Deli, Sumatra, viewed his domain as his personal property, which
his subjects were permitted to clear and cultivate as much as they needed to support
themselves. As the population then was small, most of the land was still covered in
forest and available to anyone for the asking, particularly if the applicant was ready
to pay for the permission to clear and cultivate a part of the domain of the local chiefs
(Pelzer 1978, pp. 66–67).
Local people made use of the land for cutting timber, and also extracting
non-timber products such as latex from the jelutong, and produced sago, dried
rice, and rubber. Of these, timber, firewood, charcoal, rubber, jelutong latex, and
sago were exported. These activities basically did not disturb the peatland ecosystem. On Bengkalis Island, local people could clear empty land and obtain the
usufruct right. In Deli, people could clear land owned by the sultan as long as they
paid for the permission. The custom of the right to clear land, including peatland,
was colliding with the development of state land and state forests where most of the
peatlands are located. Here we see the development of the idea of state land and state
forests.
23.2.3 The State Forests and People’s Rights to Clear Land
from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century
The idea of state forests has its beginnings in the nineteenth century, from the
administration of Herman Willem Daendels in Java. The Timber Forest Act in
Java and Madoera of 1865 designated the teak timber forests as state land (Van de
632
K. Mizuno et al.