demands at the Copenhagen conference for developed countries to financially
support this process were one of the major stumbling blocks at the meeting.
Another example is the development of community-based adaptation (CBA) that
takes place at the sub-urban scale, which involves locally developed technologies
and practices that are more responsive to local contexts (Bicknell et al. 2009). For
centuries, indigenous practices in irrigation, for example, have been developed in
many delta areas that absorbed increasing population increase and needed to adapt
their ecosystems accordingly. (See for example Chassigneuz 1912; Goureau 1936;
Huang 1990) Because communities at the local level have more local knowledge,
they can share responsibilities and adopt local responses increasingly using
translocal networks (Zoomers and van Western 2011; Firman 2010). It has been
argued that these forms of adaptation are more effective in rural communities;
however, there are many examples of CBAs succeeding in urban areas, particularly
in developing countries. The experiences of the Homeless People’s Federation in
disaster prevention (Reyos 2009) and community adaptation to climate change
(Dodman et al. 2010) in the Philippines indicate how people can rake a leading
role in responding to the challenges of global change.
In the urban context, some of the megacities of Asia are still characterized by
what Milton Santos (1979) has described as a “two circuits” urban economy in
which the circuits of production, distribution, and consumption are divided between
lower and upper circuits of activity. In the so-called lower circuit, the majority of the
population are low income, with a household-dominated system of production,
distribution, and consumption. This circuit is characterized by low energy consumption, recycling, and low consumption. An example of the type of activity that is
ubiquitous in many cities of the lower circuit in developing countries is the recycling
of garbage by “waste pickers” who contribute to decreasing the amount of urban
waste (De Gregorio 1994). By contrast, the middle and upper classes are involved in
an “upper circuit” dominated by a stable economy characterized by high energy
consumption in which people are engaged in consumption practices and lifestyles
that are typical of developed countries. It should be stressed that these two circuits
are interrelated and form part of the total urban economy. An example of an
approach that recognizes this dualism is the Chinese adoption of a policy of creating
a “circular economy” designed to increase recycling and energy conservation. This
approach incorporates high technology solutions for industrial waste but also seeks
to adopt some technology practices of the lower circuit (Zhou and Lui 2008; World
Bank 2009).
It is also important to emphasize that this range of technological responses rests
upon the populations of a given urban ecosystem becoming aware of the benefits that
will accrue from their adoption. This requires existing city populations to change
behavior. It will involve the development of educational programs and a broad
coalition between government, the private sector, and the civil society that involves
radical changes in the systems of urban governance and government (Douglass and
Friedmann 1998).
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T. G. McGee and K. Mori
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