Perhaps the most dramatic demonstration of citizens utilizing online tools to circumvent their governments’ control over information occurred during the so-called
Saffron Revolution in Burma. On August 19, 2007, leaders of the 88 Generation student movement organized a rally to protest a sudden sharp increase in fuel prices in
Rangoon, 21 and over the next month, leadership of the protests passed to Buddhist
monks, with participation swelling to an estimated crowd of 150,000 protesters on September 23. 22 Throughout these extraordinary demonstrations and the first days of the
junta’s violent crackdown on monks, students, and others, citizen video journalists
and bloggers fed raw, graphic footage and eyewitness accounts to the outside world
over the Internet and through trusted networks. This vital information was posted by
overseas Burmese news organizations and international media, and fed back into the
country by satellite television and radio, thus achieving a bidirectional flow of information only fully cut off when the government implemented a complete shutdown of the
Internet beginning on September 29. 23 Despite the Burmese government’s continuous
efforts to restrict Internet access and online expression, the use of blogs and social
media sites for the independent gathering and dissemination of information appears
to have taken hold: in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, which devastated
much of the Irrawaddy river delta and left more than 138,000 dead or missing and millions in need of food, water, shelter, and medical care, 24 citizens nevertheless set out to
record the damage as well as the government’s response. 25
In Asia, citizens’ application of the array of Internet tools available to them has often
tested societal and cultural boundaries for acceptable behavior. In 2005, a girl in South
Korea who allowed her dog to defecate on the subway was filmed, tracked down, publicly exposed, and ultimately quit her university in humiliation. 26 As ‘‘dog poop girl,’’
she became emblematic of an online vigilantism that would drive the implementation
of real-name registration requirements in South Korea. Known in China as ‘‘human
flesh search engines,’’ this phenomenon can thrive across borders. For example, in
April 2008, as groups around the world organized actions around the crackdown on
unrest in Tibet, a Chinese student was filmed attempting to referee between two
opposing groups of protesters at Duke University. 27 After the video was posted on
YouTube and other Web sites, the online reaction was swift: she was lambasted in
Chinese-language discussion forums and portals, and her parents living in China
went into hiding after threats were painted on their apartment. 28
Since 2006, many Asian governments have quickly realized the potential benefits of
exploiting opportunities for conducting propaganda or public relations strategies over
the Internet, even while cracking down on independent and critical voices thriving in
these online spaces—an example of the evolution toward third-generation controls.
The Chinese government has carefully orchestrated symbolic engagements with its
online citizens as well as mass strategies to boost public relations. On June 20, 2008,
President Hu Jintao participated in his first online chat on the People’s Daily Online’s
412
Asia Overview
Saffron Revolution in Burma. On August 19, 2007, leaders of the 88 Generation student movement organized a rally to protest a sudden sharp increase in fuel prices in
Rangoon, 21 and over the next month, leadership of the protests passed to Buddhist
monks, with participation swelling to an estimated crowd of 150,000 protesters on September 23. 22 Throughout these extraordinary demonstrations and the first days of the
junta’s violent crackdown on monks, students, and others, citizen video journalists
and bloggers fed raw, graphic footage and eyewitness accounts to the outside world
over the Internet and through trusted networks. This vital information was posted by
overseas Burmese news organizations and international media, and fed back into the
country by satellite television and radio, thus achieving a bidirectional flow of information only fully cut off when the government implemented a complete shutdown of the
Internet beginning on September 29. 23 Despite the Burmese government’s continuous
efforts to restrict Internet access and online expression, the use of blogs and social
media sites for the independent gathering and dissemination of information appears
to have taken hold: in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, which devastated
much of the Irrawaddy river delta and left more than 138,000 dead or missing and millions in need of food, water, shelter, and medical care, 24 citizens nevertheless set out to
record the damage as well as the government’s response. 25
In Asia, citizens’ application of the array of Internet tools available to them has often
tested societal and cultural boundaries for acceptable behavior. In 2005, a girl in South
Korea who allowed her dog to defecate on the subway was filmed, tracked down, publicly exposed, and ultimately quit her university in humiliation. 26 As ‘‘dog poop girl,’’
she became emblematic of an online vigilantism that would drive the implementation
of real-name registration requirements in South Korea. Known in China as ‘‘human
flesh search engines,’’ this phenomenon can thrive across borders. For example, in
April 2008, as groups around the world organized actions around the crackdown on
unrest in Tibet, a Chinese student was filmed attempting to referee between two
opposing groups of protesters at Duke University. 27 After the video was posted on
YouTube and other Web sites, the online reaction was swift: she was lambasted in
Chinese-language discussion forums and portals, and her parents living in China
went into hiding after threats were painted on their apartment. 28
Since 2006, many Asian governments have quickly realized the potential benefits of
exploiting opportunities for conducting propaganda or public relations strategies over
the Internet, even while cracking down on independent and critical voices thriving in
these online spaces—an example of the evolution toward third-generation controls.
The Chinese government has carefully orchestrated symbolic engagements with its
online citizens as well as mass strategies to boost public relations. On June 20, 2008,
President Hu Jintao participated in his first online chat on the People’s Daily Online’s
412
Asia Overview