The Struggle for Digital Freedom of Speech
51
2008. One academic reports the difference like this: “ In the case of Singapore, the
Internet merely exerted some pressure on the preexisting laws and state-imposed
norms governing free speech; in contrast, in Malaysia, the Internet was a major contribution to what has been described as a ‘ political tsunami ’ during the recent general
election. ”
44 Even allowing for Singapore ’ s tighter online controls, election-specifi c
regulations disallowing political videos and podcasts, and lack of explosive political
scandals, academics attribute the general disparity to the preexisting strength of the
offl ine Malaysian civil society.
45
The observation that the success of the Malaysian sociopolitical blogosphere owes
much to the existing civil society movement suggests another identifying feature of
Malaysian sociopolitical bloggers: their motivations are nonpecuniary and socialpsychological in nature.
46 Tan and Ibrahim report that most political bloggers cite
infl uencing public opinion and performing a civic duty as their rewards for blogging.
47
This fi nding is highly relevant because it rationalizes the vehement rejection of the
2007 proposed labeling regime. To these pundits, political blogging is less attractive
when government incentives are introduced because it reduces the social-psychological rewards they derive from blogging. They could be perceived as hypocritical and
less credible for accepting government-backed labels while claiming to act as watchdogs of an administration accused of corruption.
On the basic premise that rewards have to outweigh costs for people to act, up until
2007 participation in the Malaysian sociopolitical blogosphere came at a low cost,
because infrastructure remained inexpensive with Malaysia ’ s aggressive IT policy.
However, from 2007, the combined threats of defamation suits, detention, and MCMC
persecution have raised the cost of blogging signifi cantly, as was made evident by Raja
Petra ’ s drastic step of fl eeing the country to avoid repeated incarceration. Nevertheless,
the Malaysian political blogosphere remains vibrant, active, and responsive, with Raja
Petra continuing to contribute from abroad in spite of the high personal costs of his
participation.
Norms: The Invisible “ Glue ” That Binds the Malaysian Sociopolitical Blogosphere
The fi nal missing piece of the puzzle of necessary and suffi cient factors for the Malaysian blogosphere ’ s sustained existence lies in the presence of norms. Tan and Ibrahim
report that Malaysian political bloggers believe that it is right to double-check one ’ s
sources, that it is better to identify oneself openly, and that it is wrong to hurl racial
abuse in comment boxes.
48
The distinction between norms and social practices lies in the internal perspective
of obligation, an expectation of nonlegal sanctions. One expects social sanctions for
noncompliance with the regular practice of removing one ’ s hat in church but not for
failure to attend the cinema on a weekly basis.
49 Norms can be further subdivided into
two categories.
50 Abstract norms rely on full internalization and unanimous
51
2008. One academic reports the difference like this: “ In the case of Singapore, the
Internet merely exerted some pressure on the preexisting laws and state-imposed
norms governing free speech; in contrast, in Malaysia, the Internet was a major contribution to what has been described as a ‘ political tsunami ’ during the recent general
election. ”
44 Even allowing for Singapore ’ s tighter online controls, election-specifi c
regulations disallowing political videos and podcasts, and lack of explosive political
scandals, academics attribute the general disparity to the preexisting strength of the
offl ine Malaysian civil society.
45
The observation that the success of the Malaysian sociopolitical blogosphere owes
much to the existing civil society movement suggests another identifying feature of
Malaysian sociopolitical bloggers: their motivations are nonpecuniary and socialpsychological in nature.
46 Tan and Ibrahim report that most political bloggers cite
infl uencing public opinion and performing a civic duty as their rewards for blogging.
47
This fi nding is highly relevant because it rationalizes the vehement rejection of the
2007 proposed labeling regime. To these pundits, political blogging is less attractive
when government incentives are introduced because it reduces the social-psychological rewards they derive from blogging. They could be perceived as hypocritical and
less credible for accepting government-backed labels while claiming to act as watchdogs of an administration accused of corruption.
On the basic premise that rewards have to outweigh costs for people to act, up until
2007 participation in the Malaysian sociopolitical blogosphere came at a low cost,
because infrastructure remained inexpensive with Malaysia ’ s aggressive IT policy.
However, from 2007, the combined threats of defamation suits, detention, and MCMC
persecution have raised the cost of blogging signifi cantly, as was made evident by Raja
Petra ’ s drastic step of fl eeing the country to avoid repeated incarceration. Nevertheless,
the Malaysian political blogosphere remains vibrant, active, and responsive, with Raja
Petra continuing to contribute from abroad in spite of the high personal costs of his
participation.
Norms: The Invisible “ Glue ” That Binds the Malaysian Sociopolitical Blogosphere
The fi nal missing piece of the puzzle of necessary and suffi cient factors for the Malaysian blogosphere ’ s sustained existence lies in the presence of norms. Tan and Ibrahim
report that Malaysian political bloggers believe that it is right to double-check one ’ s
sources, that it is better to identify oneself openly, and that it is wrong to hurl racial
abuse in comment boxes.
48
The distinction between norms and social practices lies in the internal perspective
of obligation, an expectation of nonlegal sanctions. One expects social sanctions for
noncompliance with the regular practice of removing one ’ s hat in church but not for
failure to attend the cinema on a weekly basis.
49 Norms can be further subdivided into
two categories.
50 Abstract norms rely on full internalization and unanimous