xiv
Foreword
As the editors of this volume make clear, cyberspace is “ now considered a domain
equal in importance to land, air, sea, and space as the medium through which commerce, education, hobbies, politics, and war all take place. ” It is “ an object of geopolitical competition ” between democratic and autocratic forces, in which Asia is proving
to be one of the most contested and strategically signifi cant terrains, principally
because of the role of China — host to the world ’ s largest cohort of Internet users and
its most sophisticated censorship and monitoring regime. Beijing ’ s ruling Communist
authorities censor or deny Internet access because of its proven benefi t in enhancing
freedom of information, expression, and association. The regime is also an increasingly
proactive player — employing its “ 50 Cent Army ” to monitor and counter its critics — in
what Rebecca MacKinnon calls “ networked authoritarianism. ”
The country-based and issue-specifi c case studies in Access Contested provide an
indispensable guide to the politics of Asia ’ s contested cyberspace. The volume also
provides a valuable historical overview of the four phases of cyber regulation:
1. The “ open commons ” phase — up to 2000 — during which it was expected that the
Internet would inform, empower, and liberate citizens “ in a noisy but robust web of
support for global civil society. ”
2. The “ access denied ” phase — from 2000 to 2005 — in which states like China and
Saudi Arabia erected fi lters to block access to information,
3. The “ access controlled ” phase — from 2005 to 2010 — in which states developed
more variable, sophisticated, and aggressive interventions, including registration,
licensing, and identity regulations to facilitate online monitoring and promote
self-censorship.
4. The current “ access contested ” phase – – in which cyberspace is becoming normalized as a terrain on which states, companies, citizens, and groups confl ict, compete,
and even collaborate, as evidenced by the militarization and attempted “ nationalization ” of cyberspace.
This current phase has also witnessed the emergence of coalitions like the Global
Network Initiative, which convenes activists, academics, and companies like Google,
Yahoo!, and Microsoft to help ensure that Internet regulations safeguard access,
privacy, and basic rights.
The current dynamics and forces at play in contesting cyberspace provide grounds
both for concern and optimism.
Worryingly, the threat to cyberspace ’ s liberating potential is not only coming from
authoritarian states but also from democracies. France is leading calls for the G8 to
impose tighter regulations, while Turkey ’ s new Internet regulations establish a surveillance system under which citizens are only allowed Internet access via one of four
state-regulated fi lters and citizens can be monitored via a compulsory online profi le.
Foreword
As the editors of this volume make clear, cyberspace is “ now considered a domain
equal in importance to land, air, sea, and space as the medium through which commerce, education, hobbies, politics, and war all take place. ” It is “ an object of geopolitical competition ” between democratic and autocratic forces, in which Asia is proving
to be one of the most contested and strategically signifi cant terrains, principally
because of the role of China — host to the world ’ s largest cohort of Internet users and
its most sophisticated censorship and monitoring regime. Beijing ’ s ruling Communist
authorities censor or deny Internet access because of its proven benefi t in enhancing
freedom of information, expression, and association. The regime is also an increasingly
proactive player — employing its “ 50 Cent Army ” to monitor and counter its critics — in
what Rebecca MacKinnon calls “ networked authoritarianism. ”
The country-based and issue-specifi c case studies in Access Contested provide an
indispensable guide to the politics of Asia ’ s contested cyberspace. The volume also
provides a valuable historical overview of the four phases of cyber regulation:
1. The “ open commons ” phase — up to 2000 — during which it was expected that the
Internet would inform, empower, and liberate citizens “ in a noisy but robust web of
support for global civil society. ”
2. The “ access denied ” phase — from 2000 to 2005 — in which states like China and
Saudi Arabia erected fi lters to block access to information,
3. The “ access controlled ” phase — from 2005 to 2010 — in which states developed
more variable, sophisticated, and aggressive interventions, including registration,
licensing, and identity regulations to facilitate online monitoring and promote
self-censorship.
4. The current “ access contested ” phase – – in which cyberspace is becoming normalized as a terrain on which states, companies, citizens, and groups confl ict, compete,
and even collaborate, as evidenced by the militarization and attempted “ nationalization ” of cyberspace.
This current phase has also witnessed the emergence of coalitions like the Global
Network Initiative, which convenes activists, academics, and companies like Google,
Yahoo!, and Microsoft to help ensure that Internet regulations safeguard access,
privacy, and basic rights.
The current dynamics and forces at play in contesting cyberspace provide grounds
both for concern and optimism.
Worryingly, the threat to cyberspace ’ s liberating potential is not only coming from
authoritarian states but also from democracies. France is leading calls for the G8 to
impose tighter regulations, while Turkey ’ s new Internet regulations establish a surveillance system under which citizens are only allowed Internet access via one of four
state-regulated fi lters and citizens can be monitored via a compulsory online profi le.