102
Pirongrong Ramasoota
of moral superiority over the new political leadership. This view still appears to prevail
today.
In past and present constitutions, the monarch, as the head of state, has these
privileges:
1. He is to be unreservedly respected: his person is inviolable, and he is not subject
to the jurisdiction of the courts.
2. He is the Head of the State.
3. He is the soul of the nation and the font of national harmony.
4. He is above politics.
5. He is politically neutral, without aligning with any political group or party.
6. He can do no wrong (constitutionally).
Furthermore, the Thai conception of kingship is a combination of the Hindu divine
right of deva raja and the Buddhist patriarchal kingship in which the king rules according to the law or dharma. Therefore, the legitimacy of the monarch is derived not
only from divine right but also from his own conduct and commendable deeds. The
present king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is now the world ’ s longest-reigning monarch,
has been credited for his lifelong dedication to rural development and the livelihoods
of his poorest subjects. He is thus well loved and respected by the general Thai public.
In 2006 on the 60th anniversary of his coronation, the entire country glowed yellow
as loyal supporters of the king donned special yellow royal shirts in celebration everywhere throughout the year.
With exceptional privileges, conceptual dominance, and public reverence, the Thai
monarchy has been used as a source of legitimacy in Thai politics. A former prime
minister (1957 – 1963) and military dictator, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, made extensive use of the monarchy to legitimize his regime both domestically and internationally. This legitimization often happens at the expense of free speech. In the past,
dissidents who were charged with l è se-majest é were usually social critics or those who
openly resented military involvement in politics. Meanwhile, fi lers of l è se-majest é
suits were typically from the military.
Traditionally, the monarchy has been identifi ed as one of the core values to be
protected under national security, which includes three things — the monarchy, religion (Buddhism), and the Thai nation. Any attempt to undermine these so-called three
pillars of Thai society would be viewed as a threat to national security. As these core
values are usually fused together, it is not uncommon for a show of disrespect, including criticism of the king, to be interpreted as “ unpatriotic. ”
There has always been tension between free speech and royalism in Thailand, but
never has the anxiety been so great as in the age of the Internet and a time of foreseeable royal succession. With the borderless and robust nature of the Internet, it is no
longer feasible to keep the king virtually beyond criticism in the virtual world. But no
Pirongrong Ramasoota
of moral superiority over the new political leadership. This view still appears to prevail
today.
In past and present constitutions, the monarch, as the head of state, has these
privileges:
1. He is to be unreservedly respected: his person is inviolable, and he is not subject
to the jurisdiction of the courts.
2. He is the Head of the State.
3. He is the soul of the nation and the font of national harmony.
4. He is above politics.
5. He is politically neutral, without aligning with any political group or party.
6. He can do no wrong (constitutionally).
Furthermore, the Thai conception of kingship is a combination of the Hindu divine
right of deva raja and the Buddhist patriarchal kingship in which the king rules according to the law or dharma. Therefore, the legitimacy of the monarch is derived not
only from divine right but also from his own conduct and commendable deeds. The
present king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is now the world ’ s longest-reigning monarch,
has been credited for his lifelong dedication to rural development and the livelihoods
of his poorest subjects. He is thus well loved and respected by the general Thai public.
In 2006 on the 60th anniversary of his coronation, the entire country glowed yellow
as loyal supporters of the king donned special yellow royal shirts in celebration everywhere throughout the year.
With exceptional privileges, conceptual dominance, and public reverence, the Thai
monarchy has been used as a source of legitimacy in Thai politics. A former prime
minister (1957 – 1963) and military dictator, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, made extensive use of the monarchy to legitimize his regime both domestically and internationally. This legitimization often happens at the expense of free speech. In the past,
dissidents who were charged with l è se-majest é were usually social critics or those who
openly resented military involvement in politics. Meanwhile, fi lers of l è se-majest é
suits were typically from the military.
Traditionally, the monarchy has been identifi ed as one of the core values to be
protected under national security, which includes three things — the monarchy, religion (Buddhism), and the Thai nation. Any attempt to undermine these so-called three
pillars of Thai society would be viewed as a threat to national security. As these core
values are usually fused together, it is not uncommon for a show of disrespect, including criticism of the king, to be interpreted as “ unpatriotic. ”
There has always been tension between free speech and royalism in Thailand, but
never has the anxiety been so great as in the age of the Internet and a time of foreseeable royal succession. With the borderless and robust nature of the Internet, it is no
longer feasible to keep the king virtually beyond criticism in the virtual world. But no