163
lands or saka without adequate compensation (Alias and Daud 2011). They are
also concerned about recognition of their indigenous rights. By the 1960s, the
Semelai of Tasik Bera were no longer averse to change, including the concept of
wealth accumulation and use of outside goods such as matches, knives, machetes,
bicycles and even radios. But the headman found his position less attractive after
the government imposed control on his people following the communist insurgency, also known as the Emergency, from 1948 to 1960 (Hoe 2001). Based on his
study of four Orang Asli villages (three in Pahang and one in Perak), Lim (1997)
reached a similar conclusion that the Orang Asli were not opposed to development
per se. Resettled natives enjoyed health services and had greater ownership of
assets like motorcycles, radios and televisions compared with others in the interior.
The author also observed that the Orang Asli have assimilated well with other
Malaysians, although a small number had reservations about their new situation
due to lack of freedom, open country living environment, domination by Malays
and fear of losing their identity, besides having to bear indignities and criticism on
their lifestyle. Elsewhere, in Kota Tinggi in the southern state of Johor, the Orang
Kanaq were relocated north to Gombak in the central state of Selangor in the early
1950s, where many lived until the end of their lives. Few survivors managed to
return to Johor and are now adjusting to an agricultural life with official assistance
(Musa 2011).
The third and much discussed theory is known as the “Dream People” theory,
which came into vogue through Noone (1936), who wrote about the Temiar. Under
this theory, the author claimed that the Temiar confined crime and legal procedures
to marriage disputes (Leary 1995), although such incidents could end in violence.
He first presented his ideas on “dream manipulation” among the Senoi as an outline
of his PhD thesis. Even though he left no tangible records of his research on dream
manipulation, Noone’s contributions were complemented by American anthropologist K.R. Stewart (1951, 1962), who was interested in the investigation of traditional
psychiatric systems. Stewart highlighted Noone’s non-violence hypothesis among
the Orang Asli in general. However, the importance of dreams varies in Orang Asli
culture and religion, with the Semai and Temiar placing more importance on the
interpretation of dreams (Leary 1995). Experts on Orang Asli hold that these dreams
are an outlet for feelings of hostility and aggression, and may act as a psychological
safety valve (e.g. see Stewart 1951, 1962).
The Dream People model has inspired a number of writings on the Orang Asli,
notably by Noone’s younger brother, Richard, who became an adviser to the
Malayan government on Orang Asli affairs in the 1950s (Noone 1972). The myth
that the Orang Asli are intrinsically non-violent has been debunked during the
Emergency through the way they responded toviolence perpetrated on them by government and communist forces (Leary 1995). The logging blockade that took place
in Gua Musang, Kelantan, in September 2016 had demolished whatever remained
of the image and concept of the Orang Asli as non-violent “dream people” (The Star
2016). The blockade was erected by the Orang Asli and social activists to prevent
loggers from accessing the area despite the latter being granted permission to harvest timber by the state authorities. The Orang Asli and activists claimed that logging would destroy the forest and threaten their livelihood.
A Multidisciplinary Account of the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia
lands or saka without adequate compensation (Alias and Daud 2011). They are
also concerned about recognition of their indigenous rights. By the 1960s, the
Semelai of Tasik Bera were no longer averse to change, including the concept of
wealth accumulation and use of outside goods such as matches, knives, machetes,
bicycles and even radios. But the headman found his position less attractive after
the government imposed control on his people following the communist insurgency, also known as the Emergency, from 1948 to 1960 (Hoe 2001). Based on his
study of four Orang Asli villages (three in Pahang and one in Perak), Lim (1997)
reached a similar conclusion that the Orang Asli were not opposed to development
per se. Resettled natives enjoyed health services and had greater ownership of
assets like motorcycles, radios and televisions compared with others in the interior.
The author also observed that the Orang Asli have assimilated well with other
Malaysians, although a small number had reservations about their new situation
due to lack of freedom, open country living environment, domination by Malays
and fear of losing their identity, besides having to bear indignities and criticism on
their lifestyle. Elsewhere, in Kota Tinggi in the southern state of Johor, the Orang
Kanaq were relocated north to Gombak in the central state of Selangor in the early
1950s, where many lived until the end of their lives. Few survivors managed to
return to Johor and are now adjusting to an agricultural life with official assistance
(Musa 2011).
The third and much discussed theory is known as the “Dream People” theory,
which came into vogue through Noone (1936), who wrote about the Temiar. Under
this theory, the author claimed that the Temiar confined crime and legal procedures
to marriage disputes (Leary 1995), although such incidents could end in violence.
He first presented his ideas on “dream manipulation” among the Senoi as an outline
of his PhD thesis. Even though he left no tangible records of his research on dream
manipulation, Noone’s contributions were complemented by American anthropologist K.R. Stewart (1951, 1962), who was interested in the investigation of traditional
psychiatric systems. Stewart highlighted Noone’s non-violence hypothesis among
the Orang Asli in general. However, the importance of dreams varies in Orang Asli
culture and religion, with the Semai and Temiar placing more importance on the
interpretation of dreams (Leary 1995). Experts on Orang Asli hold that these dreams
are an outlet for feelings of hostility and aggression, and may act as a psychological
safety valve (e.g. see Stewart 1951, 1962).
The Dream People model has inspired a number of writings on the Orang Asli,
notably by Noone’s younger brother, Richard, who became an adviser to the
Malayan government on Orang Asli affairs in the 1950s (Noone 1972). The myth
that the Orang Asli are intrinsically non-violent has been debunked during the
Emergency through the way they responded toviolence perpetrated on them by government and communist forces (Leary 1995). The logging blockade that took place
in Gua Musang, Kelantan, in September 2016 had demolished whatever remained
of the image and concept of the Orang Asli as non-violent “dream people” (The Star
2016). The blockade was erected by the Orang Asli and social activists to prevent
loggers from accessing the area despite the latter being granted permission to harvest timber by the state authorities. The Orang Asli and activists claimed that logging would destroy the forest and threaten their livelihood.
A Multidisciplinary Account of the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia