162
11.3.3 Gendered Occupational Segregation
Female-dominated industries and occupations attract lower wages (Committee 2016;
Agency 2017; A. H. R. Commission 2017). Jobs in the field of health care, social
assistance, education and training attract lower average remuneration than maledominated industries, such as construction and mining services (Woman 2017). In a
concerning vein, women constitute 60–80% of workers in lower-paid industries such
as health care, social assistance, education and training (Committee 2016; A. H.
R. Commission 2017). KPMG’s report into pay inequality in Australia revealed that
22.4% of women work in administrative positions, compared to 7.4% of men
(Wingrove and Ferrier 2016). Further to this point, there is a gender disparity between
women and men in managerial roles across all sectors; 19.5% of men occupy managerial roles compared to 11% of women (Wingrove and Ferrier 2016). Gendered
occupational segregation and lower pay in female-dominated industries mean that
women are less likely to accumulate an equal superannuation balance as men
(Committee 2016). Thus, it is clear that gendered occupational segregation contributes to, and fuels, the financial insecurity faced by women in retirement. Closely
related to gendered occupational segregation is the ‘care penalty’ faced by women:
male-dominated workplaces attract a smaller proportion of part-time employees,
suggesting that women continue to sustain the responsibility for unpaid care work
(Folbre 2017). It is noted that expectations surrounding high hours of work can deter
women from entering traditionally male-dominated industries (Folbre 2017). In sum,
occupational segregation can have a damaging impact on a female’s ability to accumulate sufficient superannuation savings for retirement (A. H. R. Commission 2017).
11.3.4 The Care Penalty
There is an increased likelihood that women will take on a greater share of unpaid
care work throughout her career (Unions 2016; Agency 2017). Feng et al. (2019)
note that in comparison to OECD countries, Australian women work increasingly in
part-time employment; 52.8% (76.3%) of women with dependent children under
age 5 (ages 6–14) were employed in 2006/2007, compared to 94% (92%) of men.
This evidence supports the conclusion that mothers largely remain the primary child
caregiver. Critically, unpaid care work translates into lower superannuation savings.
Research into superannuation contributions emphasise the deleterious effects of
missing contributions in the early years of retirement savings (Warner 2014). In a
study by the Melbourne Institute, research demonstrates that when the decreased
earning capacity of unpaid care work is balanced against superannuation contributions, it translates into a $126 million gap in earnings during the period that a mother
takes maternity leave (Baker 2011b).
6
Notably, as superannuation contributions are
innately linked to paid work, while a mother is taking parental leave, oftentimes she
6 Baker (2011b, p. 12) research uses sample of 80, 725 women who stopped working to have a child
and returned to work within 12 months.
C. Power
11.3.3 Gendered Occupational Segregation
Female-dominated industries and occupations attract lower wages (Committee 2016;
Agency 2017; A. H. R. Commission 2017). Jobs in the field of health care, social
assistance, education and training attract lower average remuneration than maledominated industries, such as construction and mining services (Woman 2017). In a
concerning vein, women constitute 60–80% of workers in lower-paid industries such
as health care, social assistance, education and training (Committee 2016; A. H.
R. Commission 2017). KPMG’s report into pay inequality in Australia revealed that
22.4% of women work in administrative positions, compared to 7.4% of men
(Wingrove and Ferrier 2016). Further to this point, there is a gender disparity between
women and men in managerial roles across all sectors; 19.5% of men occupy managerial roles compared to 11% of women (Wingrove and Ferrier 2016). Gendered
occupational segregation and lower pay in female-dominated industries mean that
women are less likely to accumulate an equal superannuation balance as men
(Committee 2016). Thus, it is clear that gendered occupational segregation contributes to, and fuels, the financial insecurity faced by women in retirement. Closely
related to gendered occupational segregation is the ‘care penalty’ faced by women:
male-dominated workplaces attract a smaller proportion of part-time employees,
suggesting that women continue to sustain the responsibility for unpaid care work
(Folbre 2017). It is noted that expectations surrounding high hours of work can deter
women from entering traditionally male-dominated industries (Folbre 2017). In sum,
occupational segregation can have a damaging impact on a female’s ability to accumulate sufficient superannuation savings for retirement (A. H. R. Commission 2017).
11.3.4 The Care Penalty
There is an increased likelihood that women will take on a greater share of unpaid
care work throughout her career (Unions 2016; Agency 2017). Feng et al. (2019)
note that in comparison to OECD countries, Australian women work increasingly in
part-time employment; 52.8% (76.3%) of women with dependent children under
age 5 (ages 6–14) were employed in 2006/2007, compared to 94% (92%) of men.
This evidence supports the conclusion that mothers largely remain the primary child
caregiver. Critically, unpaid care work translates into lower superannuation savings.
Research into superannuation contributions emphasise the deleterious effects of
missing contributions in the early years of retirement savings (Warner 2014). In a
study by the Melbourne Institute, research demonstrates that when the decreased
earning capacity of unpaid care work is balanced against superannuation contributions, it translates into a $126 million gap in earnings during the period that a mother
takes maternity leave (Baker 2011b).
6
Notably, as superannuation contributions are
innately linked to paid work, while a mother is taking parental leave, oftentimes she
6 Baker (2011b, p. 12) research uses sample of 80, 725 women who stopped working to have a child
and returned to work within 12 months.
C. Power