98
concerning because they are the habitat and the source of sustenance for a large part
of the world’s population (UNCCD n.d.).
Drylands occupy about 60% of Mexico’s territory (Verbist et al. 2010;
CONAFOR-UAch 2013). A large portion of it is known as the “Altiplano Mexicano,”
which covers approximately a quarter of the country’s expanse, consisting of an
uninterrupted sequence of highlands, bounded by the Sierra Madre Occidental, the
Sierra Madre Oriental, and the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt. Throughout most of
this dryland, rainfall is in the order of 200–500 mm/year (Rzedowski 2006). Within
the “Altiplano,” from the state of San Luis Potosí (SLP) to a strip in southern USA,
is the ecoregion known as the Chihuahuan Desert, which is considered the largest
in North America and has the second greatest biodiversity worldwide (WWF 2018).
Particularly, the area occupied by SLP stands out because it concentrates the greatest diversity of cacti in the ecoregion (Hernández 2006).
The “altiplano” in San Luis Potosí extends to the northwest of the state and
includes only a portion of the drylands, since its delimitation owes to a politicaladministrative division. It covers almost half of the state (48.1%) and includes 15
municipalities, which have the lowest population density in the state (11 inhabitants
per km
2
) and is referred to as a low-level development region (SDSR 2016). It has
two natural protected areas: (1) Real de Guadalcázar and (2) Sitio Sagrado Natural
de Wirikuta, promoted as a World Heritage Site by the UNESCO because of its
biological importance and spiritual significance to indigenous people (Giménez
et al. 2018).
The aim of this chapter is to analyze a process of forced modernization in San
Luis Potosí’s “altiplano” through observed consequences in socio-ecological system and landscape transformations. The implementation of disruptive technologies,
both in the case of high-productivity horticulture and renewable energies production, constituted “pressure points” that favor cultural reorientations in the traditional
forms of space appropriation. Conventional relationships between rationality of
modernity and other cultural identities are questioned from the approaches of interculturality (Alsina 2004).
Relationship Between Drylands as Socio-Ecological Systems
(SES) and Landscape
Drylands are analyzed as socio-ecological systems (SES) due to the complex network of
interactions that sustain (a) the biotic communities and (b) the ecosystem services.
Characteristically, they present non-linear dynamics and maintain a high level of response
to the interactions between different scales, as well as self- organization capabilities and
emergent properties (Huber-Sannwald et al. 2012). In accordance, the analytical framework called Drylands Development Paradigm recognizes that ecological and social
issues, along with options for livelihood support and ecological management, are interwoven (Reynolds et al. 2007). Therefore, it proposes the simultaneous exploration of
L. Ortega and J. Morán
concerning because they are the habitat and the source of sustenance for a large part
of the world’s population (UNCCD n.d.).
Drylands occupy about 60% of Mexico’s territory (Verbist et al. 2010;
CONAFOR-UAch 2013). A large portion of it is known as the “Altiplano Mexicano,”
which covers approximately a quarter of the country’s expanse, consisting of an
uninterrupted sequence of highlands, bounded by the Sierra Madre Occidental, the
Sierra Madre Oriental, and the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt. Throughout most of
this dryland, rainfall is in the order of 200–500 mm/year (Rzedowski 2006). Within
the “Altiplano,” from the state of San Luis Potosí (SLP) to a strip in southern USA,
is the ecoregion known as the Chihuahuan Desert, which is considered the largest
in North America and has the second greatest biodiversity worldwide (WWF 2018).
Particularly, the area occupied by SLP stands out because it concentrates the greatest diversity of cacti in the ecoregion (Hernández 2006).
The “altiplano” in San Luis Potosí extends to the northwest of the state and
includes only a portion of the drylands, since its delimitation owes to a politicaladministrative division. It covers almost half of the state (48.1%) and includes 15
municipalities, which have the lowest population density in the state (11 inhabitants
per km
2
) and is referred to as a low-level development region (SDSR 2016). It has
two natural protected areas: (1) Real de Guadalcázar and (2) Sitio Sagrado Natural
de Wirikuta, promoted as a World Heritage Site by the UNESCO because of its
biological importance and spiritual significance to indigenous people (Giménez
et al. 2018).
The aim of this chapter is to analyze a process of forced modernization in San
Luis Potosí’s “altiplano” through observed consequences in socio-ecological system and landscape transformations. The implementation of disruptive technologies,
both in the case of high-productivity horticulture and renewable energies production, constituted “pressure points” that favor cultural reorientations in the traditional
forms of space appropriation. Conventional relationships between rationality of
modernity and other cultural identities are questioned from the approaches of interculturality (Alsina 2004).
Relationship Between Drylands as Socio-Ecological Systems
(SES) and Landscape
Drylands are analyzed as socio-ecological systems (SES) due to the complex network of
interactions that sustain (a) the biotic communities and (b) the ecosystem services.
Characteristically, they present non-linear dynamics and maintain a high level of response
to the interactions between different scales, as well as self- organization capabilities and
emergent properties (Huber-Sannwald et al. 2012). In accordance, the analytical framework called Drylands Development Paradigm recognizes that ecological and social
issues, along with options for livelihood support and ecological management, are interwoven (Reynolds et al. 2007). Therefore, it proposes the simultaneous exploration of
L. Ortega and J. Morán