invasions historically arose out of the particular ecological and social context of the
Cape Colony (Pooley 2014), an influence that evolved with different periodic ethos
(Carruthers et al. 2011), and which continues to this day. As noted by Bennett and
van Sittert (2019), “One fact dominates the history of invasive plants in South Africa.
The Cape has consistently led national planning and action on weeds and alien
invasive species, especially relating to agricultural weeds and invasive trees.” We
expand on four key aspects relating to this important statement: (1) the focus on
Cape biota, (2) the focus on trees, (3) the national spread of the invasion concept, and
(4) the institutional structures that embody and permit this dominance.
First, Cape ‘exceptionalism’, both real and perceived, shapes South African
understanding of the phenomena of biological invasions. The distinctive ecology
of the Cape, with the Fynbos Biome, combined with its strategic location and early
history of European settlement, became the epicentre for species introductions and
attracted a lot of scientific attention (Bennett and van Sittert 2019). In this context,
scientific concern about the impact of introduced plants on the Fynbos Biome
emerged in the late nineteenth century, and this concern continues, fortified with
references to the Cape having one of the six global ‘Floristic Kingdoms’ (Lidström
et al. 2016). One consequence is that invasion science research in South Africa has
emphasised plants.
Second, a peculiarity of invasion science in South Africa is its focus on trees. The
dearth of native forests in the Fynbos Biome, not to mention in the country’s vast
Grassland and Karoo Biomes, led to particularly strong efforts during the 19th and
20th centuries to introduce and promote trees (Brown 2013; Bennett 2011). These in
turn led to highly visible, landscape-transforming invasions and the early catalysts
for nascent invasion research and policy in South Africa (Bennett and van Sittert
2019). Possibly as a result, other invasive growth forms, like grasses, have received
less attention than they should have (Milton 2004).
Third, the impact of such trees on fynbos landscapes facilitated the early development of interest in biological invasions beyond agricultural weeds in the Cape.
This radiated outward to the national level only in the 1980s–1990s, with new policy
openings in South Africa after the end of apartheid coming at the same time that an
international conception of invasive species was emerging (Lidström et al. 2016;
Bennett and van Sittert 2019). The national Working for Water (WfW) programme
drew heavily on hydrological and ecological scientific insights from tree invasions in
the Cape as motivating evidence for this poverty-relief project (van Wilgen and
Wannenburgh 2016).
Fourth, a consequence of the Cape-based origins of thinking, research, and
policy-making on invasions is the deep anchoring of this work in Cape-based
institutions. The WfW program “draws its core ideas and leadership from this
region” (Bennett 2014), and urban middle-class whites from the Cape have driven
the agenda about invasions (Bennett and van Sittert 2019). The primary institution
that has gained agenda-setting authority in the field is the Centre for Invasion
Biology (CÁIÁB), a nationally funded Centre of Excellence established in 2004,
based at Stellenbosch University (van Wilgen et al. 2014; Lidström et al. 2016;
Abrahams et al. 2019; Richardson et al. 2020, Chap. 30). The CÁIÁB is not only
24 The Social Dimensions of Biological Invasions in South Africa
709
Cape Colony (Pooley 2014), an influence that evolved with different periodic ethos
(Carruthers et al. 2011), and which continues to this day. As noted by Bennett and
van Sittert (2019), “One fact dominates the history of invasive plants in South Africa.
The Cape has consistently led national planning and action on weeds and alien
invasive species, especially relating to agricultural weeds and invasive trees.” We
expand on four key aspects relating to this important statement: (1) the focus on
Cape biota, (2) the focus on trees, (3) the national spread of the invasion concept, and
(4) the institutional structures that embody and permit this dominance.
First, Cape ‘exceptionalism’, both real and perceived, shapes South African
understanding of the phenomena of biological invasions. The distinctive ecology
of the Cape, with the Fynbos Biome, combined with its strategic location and early
history of European settlement, became the epicentre for species introductions and
attracted a lot of scientific attention (Bennett and van Sittert 2019). In this context,
scientific concern about the impact of introduced plants on the Fynbos Biome
emerged in the late nineteenth century, and this concern continues, fortified with
references to the Cape having one of the six global ‘Floristic Kingdoms’ (Lidström
et al. 2016). One consequence is that invasion science research in South Africa has
emphasised plants.
Second, a peculiarity of invasion science in South Africa is its focus on trees. The
dearth of native forests in the Fynbos Biome, not to mention in the country’s vast
Grassland and Karoo Biomes, led to particularly strong efforts during the 19th and
20th centuries to introduce and promote trees (Brown 2013; Bennett 2011). These in
turn led to highly visible, landscape-transforming invasions and the early catalysts
for nascent invasion research and policy in South Africa (Bennett and van Sittert
2019). Possibly as a result, other invasive growth forms, like grasses, have received
less attention than they should have (Milton 2004).
Third, the impact of such trees on fynbos landscapes facilitated the early development of interest in biological invasions beyond agricultural weeds in the Cape.
This radiated outward to the national level only in the 1980s–1990s, with new policy
openings in South Africa after the end of apartheid coming at the same time that an
international conception of invasive species was emerging (Lidström et al. 2016;
Bennett and van Sittert 2019). The national Working for Water (WfW) programme
drew heavily on hydrological and ecological scientific insights from tree invasions in
the Cape as motivating evidence for this poverty-relief project (van Wilgen and
Wannenburgh 2016).
Fourth, a consequence of the Cape-based origins of thinking, research, and
policy-making on invasions is the deep anchoring of this work in Cape-based
institutions. The WfW program “draws its core ideas and leadership from this
region” (Bennett 2014), and urban middle-class whites from the Cape have driven
the agenda about invasions (Bennett and van Sittert 2019). The primary institution
that has gained agenda-setting authority in the field is the Centre for Invasion
Biology (CÁIÁB), a nationally funded Centre of Excellence established in 2004,
based at Stellenbosch University (van Wilgen et al. 2014; Lidström et al. 2016;
Abrahams et al. 2019; Richardson et al. 2020, Chap. 30). The CÁIÁB is not only
24 The Social Dimensions of Biological Invasions in South Africa
709