654
M. Dantas
Economy within the Ministry of Labor was created. In its first mandate, the Secretariat was to map solidarity economy and its impact in Brazil (Lechat 2009). The role
of the social economy is to offer “alternative economic strategies to reduce poverty
and unemployment, and to implement new civil-society-based economic revitalization strategies” (Mendell 2009, p. 178). For Gaiger (2004), one of the main objectives
of the solidarity economy is to provide a new practice of workforce, breaking with
the degrading working conditions and reconciling the worker with the process and
fruits of their labour in order to overcome the disposable and alienating character of
the productive activity. Mendell (2009) states that there are three supporting pillars of
the social economy, which are the social enterprises themselves, an enabling policy
environment, and leadership. The role of government is to create institutions to provide the enabling conditions for social economy to thrive, such as: capacity building,
political spaces for discussion and representation, and research and networking. A
definition adopted by the Chantier de l’économie sociale states that, “As a whole,
the social economy refers to the set of activities and organizations stemming from
collective entrepreneurship” (Mendell 2009, p. 186). Though there are common characteristics to it, the limits, boundaries and definitions for SSE sometimes overlap, as
different manifestation of it are observed all over the world.
Today, SSE is commonly found within the third sector, in the informal economy
and cooperative models. What is known as the Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE)
seems to be a natural manifestation of society or community organizations to collectively produce and distribute goods and services according to their own needs and
aspirations. In the case presented in Mendell’s work, the government support enabled
the beginning of a movement, while lack of support represented difficulties, which
demonstrates the vital importance of the relationship between the government and
the well-being of the social economy. When government support was withdrawn in
Quebec, a space for political negotiation was already established. In the recent case
of Brazil, not only have funds been cut, but the very space for political representation
is being dismantled. Mendell and Neamtan state the social economy assimilates individuals into the labour force, asserting that SSE “play an active role in ensuring that
marginalized groups have access to jobs and certain services” (Mendell and Neamtan 2010, p. 15). In the same work, the authors suggest the social economy takes
on similar roles elsewhere in the world. Mendell and Neamtan appointed various
institutions as part of an extensive network of backing for SSE supported by Quebec,
such as the Chantier de l’économie sociale.
The SSE has presented itself in a variety of arrangements throughout time, including in existing non-monetary exchanges groups or alternative local currencies. In
Brazil, the SSE is and has long been deeply embedded in regions and microregions.
An interviewed community developer stated that, “Outside the capital cities, in the
interior rural communities of Brazil, communities are naturally organized in solidarity” (Dantas and Silva 2018, p. 5). This is due the historic situation of exclusion of
small farmers, thus making solidarity essential.
In the Brazilian context, there are two frequently opposing directions: agribusiness and family farming. Although agriculture has been in the heart of the socioeconomic fabric, the role of institutions in the development of the food systems was
M. Dantas
Economy within the Ministry of Labor was created. In its first mandate, the Secretariat was to map solidarity economy and its impact in Brazil (Lechat 2009). The role
of the social economy is to offer “alternative economic strategies to reduce poverty
and unemployment, and to implement new civil-society-based economic revitalization strategies” (Mendell 2009, p. 178). For Gaiger (2004), one of the main objectives
of the solidarity economy is to provide a new practice of workforce, breaking with
the degrading working conditions and reconciling the worker with the process and
fruits of their labour in order to overcome the disposable and alienating character of
the productive activity. Mendell (2009) states that there are three supporting pillars of
the social economy, which are the social enterprises themselves, an enabling policy
environment, and leadership. The role of government is to create institutions to provide the enabling conditions for social economy to thrive, such as: capacity building,
political spaces for discussion and representation, and research and networking. A
definition adopted by the Chantier de l’économie sociale states that, “As a whole,
the social economy refers to the set of activities and organizations stemming from
collective entrepreneurship” (Mendell 2009, p. 186). Though there are common characteristics to it, the limits, boundaries and definitions for SSE sometimes overlap, as
different manifestation of it are observed all over the world.
Today, SSE is commonly found within the third sector, in the informal economy
and cooperative models. What is known as the Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE)
seems to be a natural manifestation of society or community organizations to collectively produce and distribute goods and services according to their own needs and
aspirations. In the case presented in Mendell’s work, the government support enabled
the beginning of a movement, while lack of support represented difficulties, which
demonstrates the vital importance of the relationship between the government and
the well-being of the social economy. When government support was withdrawn in
Quebec, a space for political negotiation was already established. In the recent case
of Brazil, not only have funds been cut, but the very space for political representation
is being dismantled. Mendell and Neamtan state the social economy assimilates individuals into the labour force, asserting that SSE “play an active role in ensuring that
marginalized groups have access to jobs and certain services” (Mendell and Neamtan 2010, p. 15). In the same work, the authors suggest the social economy takes
on similar roles elsewhere in the world. Mendell and Neamtan appointed various
institutions as part of an extensive network of backing for SSE supported by Quebec,
such as the Chantier de l’économie sociale.
The SSE has presented itself in a variety of arrangements throughout time, including in existing non-monetary exchanges groups or alternative local currencies. In
Brazil, the SSE is and has long been deeply embedded in regions and microregions.
An interviewed community developer stated that, “Outside the capital cities, in the
interior rural communities of Brazil, communities are naturally organized in solidarity” (Dantas and Silva 2018, p. 5). This is due the historic situation of exclusion of
small farmers, thus making solidarity essential.
In the Brazilian context, there are two frequently opposing directions: agribusiness and family farming. Although agriculture has been in the heart of the socioeconomic fabric, the role of institutions in the development of the food systems was