Renewable Energy Act (which set incentives for large-scale land acquisitions and
formal licensing/permitting processes). The 2012 and 2016 guidelines for large-scale
land acquisitions sought to regulate such processes, especially in the bioenergy
sector that had already experienced extensive land allocation (Ahmed et al. 2017).
Swaziland
Sugarcane and cotton are the major industrial crops produced in Swaziland. Sugarcane production increased almost ten-fold since the early 1960s, from 61.7000
tonnes in 1961 to 573.7000 tonnes in 2017 (FAOSTAT 2019). Practically all
sugarcane production is concentrated in two areas, with 77% produced in largescale plantations operated by the Royal Swaziland Sugar Corporation (RSSC) and
Illovo (Terry and Ogg 2017). Conversely cotton production has been largely based
on smallholders Hinderink and Strenkenburg 1987, experiencing very divergent
production trends, namely a large increase in production (1961–1990) followed by
a large decline (1991–2017). The all-time high cotton output was achieved in 1990
(26.0,000 tonnes), dwindling to 1.1000 tonnes in 2017 (FAOSTAT 2019).
Both sugarcane and cotton production have been promoted as avenues of economic growth and economic development (Table 3.4). In terms of policies, the Sugar
Act of 1967 mainly regulates sugarcane production in the country. This act essentially stipulates the main rules governing sugarcane growing, processing and marketing, with the sector regulated by the Swaziland Sugar Association and the Quota
Board (UNCTAD 2000). Large-scale irrigation development projects such as KDDP
(Box 3.1) were promoted through para-statal agencies to develop smallholder-based
sugarcane production capacity as a means of rural development and poverty alleviation (Terry 2012). Sugarcane production further flourished through the funds and
technical assistance provided by the EU, as a consequence of the reforms in its sugar
regime in 2006 (Richardson 2012). In particular, Swaziland received about EUR
134 million through an “Aid for Trade” programme called the Accompanying
Measures for Sugar Protocol countries (AMSP) to enhance the competitiveness of
its sugar industry, diversify economic activity in sugarcane areas and address social
and environmental impacts (Richardson 2012).
Cotton on the other hand received much less policy attention. Cotton production
was promoted through the government in some rural development areas (RDAs)
primarily in the Lowveld and secondarily in the Lubombo plateau, with production
in other parts of the country relying on the efforts of individual farmers (Hinderink
and Sterkenburg 1987). The cotton sector is vertically integrated and
state-controlled, with the Swaziland Cotton Board being the main institutional
body coordinating the cotton sector, including overseeing cotton research, production and marketing and providing a secure market for cotton producers (ABC 2017).
The Board also administers the Credit Scheme, which finances agricultural inputs
and other cotton activities, as a means of facilitating smallholder engagement in the
sector (ACB 2017).
3 Linking Industrial Crop Production and Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa:. . .
107
formal licensing/permitting processes). The 2012 and 2016 guidelines for large-scale
land acquisitions sought to regulate such processes, especially in the bioenergy
sector that had already experienced extensive land allocation (Ahmed et al. 2017).
Swaziland
Sugarcane and cotton are the major industrial crops produced in Swaziland. Sugarcane production increased almost ten-fold since the early 1960s, from 61.7000
tonnes in 1961 to 573.7000 tonnes in 2017 (FAOSTAT 2019). Practically all
sugarcane production is concentrated in two areas, with 77% produced in largescale plantations operated by the Royal Swaziland Sugar Corporation (RSSC) and
Illovo (Terry and Ogg 2017). Conversely cotton production has been largely based
on smallholders Hinderink and Strenkenburg 1987, experiencing very divergent
production trends, namely a large increase in production (1961–1990) followed by
a large decline (1991–2017). The all-time high cotton output was achieved in 1990
(26.0,000 tonnes), dwindling to 1.1000 tonnes in 2017 (FAOSTAT 2019).
Both sugarcane and cotton production have been promoted as avenues of economic growth and economic development (Table 3.4). In terms of policies, the Sugar
Act of 1967 mainly regulates sugarcane production in the country. This act essentially stipulates the main rules governing sugarcane growing, processing and marketing, with the sector regulated by the Swaziland Sugar Association and the Quota
Board (UNCTAD 2000). Large-scale irrigation development projects such as KDDP
(Box 3.1) were promoted through para-statal agencies to develop smallholder-based
sugarcane production capacity as a means of rural development and poverty alleviation (Terry 2012). Sugarcane production further flourished through the funds and
technical assistance provided by the EU, as a consequence of the reforms in its sugar
regime in 2006 (Richardson 2012). In particular, Swaziland received about EUR
134 million through an “Aid for Trade” programme called the Accompanying
Measures for Sugar Protocol countries (AMSP) to enhance the competitiveness of
its sugar industry, diversify economic activity in sugarcane areas and address social
and environmental impacts (Richardson 2012).
Cotton on the other hand received much less policy attention. Cotton production
was promoted through the government in some rural development areas (RDAs)
primarily in the Lowveld and secondarily in the Lubombo plateau, with production
in other parts of the country relying on the efforts of individual farmers (Hinderink
and Sterkenburg 1987). The cotton sector is vertically integrated and
state-controlled, with the Swaziland Cotton Board being the main institutional
body coordinating the cotton sector, including overseeing cotton research, production and marketing and providing a secure market for cotton producers (ABC 2017).
The Board also administers the Credit Scheme, which finances agricultural inputs
and other cotton activities, as a means of facilitating smallholder engagement in the
sector (ACB 2017).
3 Linking Industrial Crop Production and Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa:. . .
107