75
3
thoughts, although a few were very positive and a few very negative. The ambivalent healers wanted more bioprospecting, even though they were not content with
the experiences so far.
We found four explanations for the ambivalence. First, economic benefits
played a role, but in contrast to both of the leading discourses on bioprospecting,
economic payment was of less importance than other matters.
Second, the traditional healers expressed eagerness to cooperate with bioprospectors as a way to access knowledge from modern science. Some healers regarded
themselves as modern and scientific, whilst others put more emphasize on traditional aspects of their herbal medicines related to spirits and dreams. Nevertheless,
most of the traditional healers wanted to supplement their local and traditional
knowledge on plant medicines with modern scientific knowledge. In other words,
they wished to learn what modern science had to offer about plant remedies that
they themselves had extensive, but a different kind of knowledge about. However,
most of the healers were disappointed, because they had experienced bioprospecting as transfer of their knowledge to the American company, but with limited
transfer of knowledge the other way.
Third, the healers hoped that bioprospecting could contribute to Tanzanian
society’s increased acceptance of traditional healing and to raise the social status
of healers. In Tanzania, the degree of tolerance of traditional healing and recognition of traditional healers as positive contributors to health services has varied
considerably over time. Bioprospecting implies that scientists from the modern
healthcare sector in the large city of Dar es Salaam as well as from the USA visit
rural villages to seek out traditional healers and learn about their plant medicines.
This is noticed in the local communities.
Fourth, after their experiences with Shaman, traditional healers in the area had
devised a strategy to be used should there be another chance to take part in bioprospecting. Instead of naming or showing samples of the plants involved, the
healers would give the bioprospectors unrecognizable plant extracts. The healers
felt that should any of their plant extracts have promising properties, they would
then stand stronger in negotiations with bioprospectors.
Shaman presented the collection expedition as an outstanding model for cooperation and local participation. However, we found that the cooperation took place
on an unequal basis. Shaman alone determined the content of the cooperation and
payment. The traditional healers did not have knowledge about other companies
they could choose to cooperate with or the terms that they might have a chance to
obtain in negotiations.
Shaman’s narrative included a description of meetings between the company
and local partners in which the company asked for and obtained informed consent
to conduct bioprospecting. Moreover, at each collection location, the bioprospectors arranged a meeting to invite suggestions of worthy causes to which the company could make donations. After the expedition, the company itself decided the
donations to be made. For several reasons this is problematic to regard as informed
consent. First, the eagerness of the traditional healers to learn about the knowledge of modern science about their herbal remedies seemed not to have been an
issue that the company had grasped. Second, the local participants did not have
3.7 · Tracking American Gene Hunters in Tanzania
3
thoughts, although a few were very positive and a few very negative. The ambivalent healers wanted more bioprospecting, even though they were not content with
the experiences so far.
We found four explanations for the ambivalence. First, economic benefits
played a role, but in contrast to both of the leading discourses on bioprospecting,
economic payment was of less importance than other matters.
Second, the traditional healers expressed eagerness to cooperate with bioprospectors as a way to access knowledge from modern science. Some healers regarded
themselves as modern and scientific, whilst others put more emphasize on traditional aspects of their herbal medicines related to spirits and dreams. Nevertheless,
most of the traditional healers wanted to supplement their local and traditional
knowledge on plant medicines with modern scientific knowledge. In other words,
they wished to learn what modern science had to offer about plant remedies that
they themselves had extensive, but a different kind of knowledge about. However,
most of the healers were disappointed, because they had experienced bioprospecting as transfer of their knowledge to the American company, but with limited
transfer of knowledge the other way.
Third, the healers hoped that bioprospecting could contribute to Tanzanian
society’s increased acceptance of traditional healing and to raise the social status
of healers. In Tanzania, the degree of tolerance of traditional healing and recognition of traditional healers as positive contributors to health services has varied
considerably over time. Bioprospecting implies that scientists from the modern
healthcare sector in the large city of Dar es Salaam as well as from the USA visit
rural villages to seek out traditional healers and learn about their plant medicines.
This is noticed in the local communities.
Fourth, after their experiences with Shaman, traditional healers in the area had
devised a strategy to be used should there be another chance to take part in bioprospecting. Instead of naming or showing samples of the plants involved, the
healers would give the bioprospectors unrecognizable plant extracts. The healers
felt that should any of their plant extracts have promising properties, they would
then stand stronger in negotiations with bioprospectors.
Shaman presented the collection expedition as an outstanding model for cooperation and local participation. However, we found that the cooperation took place
on an unequal basis. Shaman alone determined the content of the cooperation and
payment. The traditional healers did not have knowledge about other companies
they could choose to cooperate with or the terms that they might have a chance to
obtain in negotiations.
Shaman’s narrative included a description of meetings between the company
and local partners in which the company asked for and obtained informed consent
to conduct bioprospecting. Moreover, at each collection location, the bioprospectors arranged a meeting to invite suggestions of worthy causes to which the company could make donations. After the expedition, the company itself decided the
donations to be made. For several reasons this is problematic to regard as informed
consent. First, the eagerness of the traditional healers to learn about the knowledge of modern science about their herbal remedies seemed not to have been an
issue that the company had grasped. Second, the local participants did not have
3.7 · Tracking American Gene Hunters in Tanzania