212
9
husbandry. Ensuing diversification projects have often been carried out in conjunction with attempts at sedentarizing pastoralists.
In addition to old and mainly politically motivated arguments for governments
to settle nomads and to make them diversify their activities in areas such as the
northern Sahel, the focus on livelihoods diversification in the development literature
also tends to provide arguments for diversification policies. Within the ‘sustainable
livelihoods framework’ the work of Ellis (2000) has for instance been taken to support this view.
Economic diversification typically implies higher demands on household labour.
For instance, studying Fulani groups in Burkina Faso, Hampshire and Randall
(2005) found that a natural response to such labour demands has been the maintenance of high fertility rates making it possible for larger households to diversify
more easily.
While increased diversification of livelihoods might be a good idea for many
rural African households, the question is under what conditions it is a good advice
to follow, and whether it is such a good idea for the more mobile pastoralists in the
driest parts of the continent. Let us present one such example.
In the Timbuktu region of northern Mali, the Niger River flows through an arid
region south of the Sahara desert. The river represents a rich resource in an otherwise
barren landscape, where herding of livestock dominates. In the rainy season, the water
of the Niger spreads out over large plains, where rice has been cultivated for thousands
of years (Ki-Zerbo 1978: 56). This is a sparsely populated area and the methods of
rice cultivation are still relatively rudimentary. Because of lack of manpower and capital, farmers can only build simple levees and floodgates to attempt to check the water
level. The system is therefore fragile, and it totally depends on the water flowing
smoothly and gradually without drowning the floating rice. Often, the water flows
quickly onto the rice fields or the levees burst, so that the water disappears from the
rice fields and the rice plants dry out. It is perhaps only in one of three years that this
traditional system provides any substantial crops. Several aid organizations, such as
the Norwegian Church Aid (NCA), have attempted to improve the system by investing in more robust levees and floodgates for better control of the floodwater. These
investments have to an extent reduced, but not eliminated, the risk (. Photo 9.1).
Low population density has for a long time remained one of the biggest obstacles to agricultural development along this stretch of the Niger river. The labour
shortage is particularly evident where Tuareg pastoralists control the land. These are
places along the river where Tuareg have been encouraged to settle and cultivate rice.
As long as the NCA paid people through a ‘food for work’ programme during the
1980s, labour was available to build levees and floodgates and to stay and cultivate
rice. But as soon as this support was discontinued in the 1990s, pastoralists had the
choice between resuming their nomadic life or staying in one place to farm the land.
The latter entailed investing their labour in a very risky and vulnerable agricultural
production. Usually, they chose to resume their nomadic life.
A concrete example of this is the hamlet called Banguel, which lies a few miles
west of Gourma Rharous—the administrative centre of the district. The Tuaregs
based in Banguel are from the group Igouadaren Ouest. This group consists of some
Chapter 9 · Population Growth, Markets and Sustainable Land-Use in Africa
9
husbandry. Ensuing diversification projects have often been carried out in conjunction with attempts at sedentarizing pastoralists.
In addition to old and mainly politically motivated arguments for governments
to settle nomads and to make them diversify their activities in areas such as the
northern Sahel, the focus on livelihoods diversification in the development literature
also tends to provide arguments for diversification policies. Within the ‘sustainable
livelihoods framework’ the work of Ellis (2000) has for instance been taken to support this view.
Economic diversification typically implies higher demands on household labour.
For instance, studying Fulani groups in Burkina Faso, Hampshire and Randall
(2005) found that a natural response to such labour demands has been the maintenance of high fertility rates making it possible for larger households to diversify
more easily.
While increased diversification of livelihoods might be a good idea for many
rural African households, the question is under what conditions it is a good advice
to follow, and whether it is such a good idea for the more mobile pastoralists in the
driest parts of the continent. Let us present one such example.
In the Timbuktu region of northern Mali, the Niger River flows through an arid
region south of the Sahara desert. The river represents a rich resource in an otherwise
barren landscape, where herding of livestock dominates. In the rainy season, the water
of the Niger spreads out over large plains, where rice has been cultivated for thousands
of years (Ki-Zerbo 1978: 56). This is a sparsely populated area and the methods of
rice cultivation are still relatively rudimentary. Because of lack of manpower and capital, farmers can only build simple levees and floodgates to attempt to check the water
level. The system is therefore fragile, and it totally depends on the water flowing
smoothly and gradually without drowning the floating rice. Often, the water flows
quickly onto the rice fields or the levees burst, so that the water disappears from the
rice fields and the rice plants dry out. It is perhaps only in one of three years that this
traditional system provides any substantial crops. Several aid organizations, such as
the Norwegian Church Aid (NCA), have attempted to improve the system by investing in more robust levees and floodgates for better control of the floodwater. These
investments have to an extent reduced, but not eliminated, the risk (. Photo 9.1).
Low population density has for a long time remained one of the biggest obstacles to agricultural development along this stretch of the Niger river. The labour
shortage is particularly evident where Tuareg pastoralists control the land. These are
places along the river where Tuareg have been encouraged to settle and cultivate rice.
As long as the NCA paid people through a ‘food for work’ programme during the
1980s, labour was available to build levees and floodgates and to stay and cultivate
rice. But as soon as this support was discontinued in the 1990s, pastoralists had the
choice between resuming their nomadic life or staying in one place to farm the land.
The latter entailed investing their labour in a very risky and vulnerable agricultural
production. Usually, they chose to resume their nomadic life.
A concrete example of this is the hamlet called Banguel, which lies a few miles
west of Gourma Rharous—the administrative centre of the district. The Tuaregs
based in Banguel are from the group Igouadaren Ouest. This group consists of some
Chapter 9 · Population Growth, Markets and Sustainable Land-Use in Africa