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Only two groups comprised at least 40% women, while the remaining 52 groups did
not fulfil the legal requirements on gender equality for such public bodies (Svarstad
et al. 2009).
Conservation processes are often regarded as among the most important political issues in rural districts. Much is at stake concerning which areas are to be
conserved, and in what ways. Reference groups were established to foster local participation and measures had been taken to provide a good representation of the
various local interests and the local population at large, except for the representation of women.
We finally realized that local environmental governance was an area of politics
in Norway in which gender equality policies had been marginalized. What could be
the reasons? Before discussing possible explanations, we will look at some examples of conservation and gendered power in other countries. In a research project
on gender and power in  local conservation policies in Europe, we found that
Norway is not unique in neglecting gender equality (Klok and van Apeldorn 2007).
What about countries in the Global South? We move on to look at research on
gendered participation in conservation in Senegal, India and Nepal.
5.2 A Study in Senegal
In a forest area adjacent to Niokolo-Koba National Park in Senegal, under the
auspices of the national forest authorities and with support from the World Bank,
the creation of a forest reserve took place in 1998–2002 in an area with ten villages.
The forest reserve was intended to contribute to conservation and sustainable use
of the forest resources. A governance structure was set up for it, based on local
management in and between the ten villages.
From early 1998 onwards, emphasis was ostensibly placed on ‘gender sensitivity’
in this area. Nonetheless, in her doctoral dissertation, Solange Bandiaky documented
that women had in fact been given little influence (Bandiaky 2008). The steering committee of the forest reserve comprised representatives from all the villages. Only one
of the 14 representatives was a woman. In the village that Bandiaky studied closely,
she found that in the committees associated with the forest reserve, there were few
women, none of them chairpersons. Through interviews with the women actually
appointed to the committees, Bandiaky found that several of them were unaware of
their appointment. Accordingly, she concluded that the appointments were fictitious
and had been presented in order to satisfy donor requirements of gender equality.
Moreover, she found that women in the positions were not elected by villagers,
but named by powerful male leaders, such as their fathers, sons, husbands or
friends. The most powerful man in the village was strongly connected with the
donors and with the national forest authorities. Villagers who disobeyed him were
excluded from essential benefits, such as the distribution of food and seeds financed
by the donors (Bandiaky 2008).
To conclude, the research revealed that gendered representation in the Senegalese
case hardly existed and did not provide real influence for women. This resembles
the situation found in the Norwegian cases.
5.2 · A Study in Senegal
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