160 N Osbaldiston
of generalisability, it is argued that the research findings presented below
contribute to understanding how emotions work in relation to insurance.
Discussion
Emotions and trust in insurers
Public trust in institutions is perhaps at an all-time low and the insurance
sector is no different (Tranter & Booth 2019). Indeed, as Giddens (1990) and
Beck (1992) argue, uncertainty and expertise create a tension between the
public and those professing to provide risk-management, such as insurers.
Emotional reflexivity informs and even drives this uneasy relationship. At
times, this causes some to be quite angry towards insurers, but they remain
insured regardless. It begs the question ‘why?,’ with Tranter and Booth
(2019, p. 205) postulating that it is not simply a matter of trust but of social
or institutional norms.
Stories of others are important in the development of emotional reflexivity, as Holmes (2010) describes. This also is apparent as a driver of people’s
understandings of the insurance sector. Several of the participants in this
study talk about ‘horror stories’ they have heard of people trying to make
insurance claims. Milly 2 , a middle-aged female homeowner living in the
Northern Beaches of Cairns, illustrates this when asked how much trust she
invests in insurers;
That’s a tricky one because you hear all the horror stories. Suncorp are
the cheapest. I have looked around, I have shopped around. They are by
far the cheapest but do I read the small print? Would I understand the
small print? Probably not […] I wouldn’t say I totally trust them. And I
think insurance companies are going to try and get away with not paying out if they can anyway.
It is important to note here that in the beginning of her response she reflects
a certain emotional state in response to stories she has heard. From there,
she explains that despite her shopping around for insurers, and her decision
to take out insurance, she feels resigned in the belief that they are going to
find ways to not pay ‘anyway’ regardless of her level trust.
People like Milly may be inclined to insure because institutions such as
banks require them to do so as part of a mortgage. However, her emotional
state is one of resignation. This is exemplified further in the response of a
middle-aged female mortgagee named Freya, who lives in the inner-city suburb of Mooroobool. When questioned on her mortgage status she responds,
fatalistically, that ‘I don’t have really any trust […] if you’ve got a compulsory
obliged relationship with it. I do it if I have to.’
Frequently participants call upon ‘stories’ they have heard that drive their
mistrust of insurers. Emotional reflexivity towards insurers is built through
of generalisability, it is argued that the research findings presented below
contribute to understanding how emotions work in relation to insurance.
Discussion
Emotions and trust in insurers
Public trust in institutions is perhaps at an all-time low and the insurance
sector is no different (Tranter & Booth 2019). Indeed, as Giddens (1990) and
Beck (1992) argue, uncertainty and expertise create a tension between the
public and those professing to provide risk-management, such as insurers.
Emotional reflexivity informs and even drives this uneasy relationship. At
times, this causes some to be quite angry towards insurers, but they remain
insured regardless. It begs the question ‘why?,’ with Tranter and Booth
(2019, p. 205) postulating that it is not simply a matter of trust but of social
or institutional norms.
Stories of others are important in the development of emotional reflexivity, as Holmes (2010) describes. This also is apparent as a driver of people’s
understandings of the insurance sector. Several of the participants in this
study talk about ‘horror stories’ they have heard of people trying to make
insurance claims. Milly 2 , a middle-aged female homeowner living in the
Northern Beaches of Cairns, illustrates this when asked how much trust she
invests in insurers;
That’s a tricky one because you hear all the horror stories. Suncorp are
the cheapest. I have looked around, I have shopped around. They are by
far the cheapest but do I read the small print? Would I understand the
small print? Probably not […] I wouldn’t say I totally trust them. And I
think insurance companies are going to try and get away with not paying out if they can anyway.
It is important to note here that in the beginning of her response she reflects
a certain emotional state in response to stories she has heard. From there,
she explains that despite her shopping around for insurers, and her decision
to take out insurance, she feels resigned in the belief that they are going to
find ways to not pay ‘anyway’ regardless of her level trust.
People like Milly may be inclined to insure because institutions such as
banks require them to do so as part of a mortgage. However, her emotional
state is one of resignation. This is exemplified further in the response of a
middle-aged female mortgagee named Freya, who lives in the inner-city suburb of Mooroobool. When questioned on her mortgage status she responds,
fatalistically, that ‘I don’t have really any trust […] if you’ve got a compulsory
obliged relationship with it. I do it if I have to.’
Frequently participants call upon ‘stories’ they have heard that drive their
mistrust of insurers. Emotional reflexivity towards insurers is built through