Good Living and Indigenous Potatoes 101
domesticating and selecting this material and who continue to conserve it in situ
(Halewood et al., 2013; Thomas & Boisvert, 2015). In the 1990s, the international community began to reflect harder on sharing biotechnology profits in
order to compensate the communities possessing the relevant natural resources
and associated knowledge, and this reflection led to the creation of the CBD.
The Nagoya Protocol adopted in 2010 specifies the mechanisms for the access
and benefit sharing (ABS) of the benefits generated by the use of genetic material. Its implementation remains complex, however, and discussion continues
within the framework of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources
(ITPGRFA).
24 In the case of the potato, which generates considerable profits
worldwide, the issues surrounding a “fair and equitable sharing of benefits” are
very significant, which makes the example of the Park particularly emblematic.
Argumedo, who actively takes part in these various international events, is fully
aware of these issues and he has been able to turn the Park into an international
model.
With this success have come consequences: it is necessary to adapt the Park’s
to the concepts and categories that are relevant in the international arena. First of
all, the Pisac Potato Park is depicted as led by “Quechua” indigenous communities and Argumedo presents himself as their representative. Seen from Peru – and
even more so from Cusco – the reality is more complex. On one hand, for most
people, “Quechua” is a language and not an ethnic category (Robin, 2004). On
the other, even the peasants do not consider themselves indigenous (indígenas).
The Park’s claim makes sense within the United Nations definition of indigeneity, wherein a generic and consensual definition has been adopted (Verdeaux
& Roussel, 2006). What is more, at international events, the representatives of
local and indigenous communities (to use the established terminology) are in a
minority. Their spokespeople are equated with the populations they represent,
whether they are indigenous leaders, representatives of community associations,
or representatives of pro-indigenous NGOs. Ramos (1994), using Amazonian
case studies in Brazil, shows how the recognition of indigenous communities’
rights and the growing importance of environmental conservation together have
led to the representation of a “hyperreal Indian” by pro-indigenous institutions.
This representation is not easy to reconcile with the realities of local people, but
helps them to defend certain rights, especially land rights (Albert, 1993). Within
the working group on article 8( j) of the CBD, a similar process has taken place:
the figure of the hyperreal Indian has established itself on an international scale
(see Hall’s Chapter 4, in this volume that focuses specifically on the way indigenous people and local communities (IPLCs) participate in the CBD meetings).
The recognition of Sumaq kawsay by Bolivia has also had repercussions in this
domain. Since the adoption of the new Bolivian constitution in 2005 under the
Evo Morales government, the country has used all available opportunities to
assert, loudly and clearly, the need to rethink the relationship between humankind and nature. As a “State party” (i.e., signatory country), Bolivia has an official say and a vote at the Conference of the Parties (COP) of the CDB, and makes
domesticating and selecting this material and who continue to conserve it in situ
(Halewood et al., 2013; Thomas & Boisvert, 2015). In the 1990s, the international community began to reflect harder on sharing biotechnology profits in
order to compensate the communities possessing the relevant natural resources
and associated knowledge, and this reflection led to the creation of the CBD.
The Nagoya Protocol adopted in 2010 specifies the mechanisms for the access
and benefit sharing (ABS) of the benefits generated by the use of genetic material. Its implementation remains complex, however, and discussion continues
within the framework of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources
(ITPGRFA).
24 In the case of the potato, which generates considerable profits
worldwide, the issues surrounding a “fair and equitable sharing of benefits” are
very significant, which makes the example of the Park particularly emblematic.
Argumedo, who actively takes part in these various international events, is fully
aware of these issues and he has been able to turn the Park into an international
model.
With this success have come consequences: it is necessary to adapt the Park’s
to the concepts and categories that are relevant in the international arena. First of
all, the Pisac Potato Park is depicted as led by “Quechua” indigenous communities and Argumedo presents himself as their representative. Seen from Peru – and
even more so from Cusco – the reality is more complex. On one hand, for most
people, “Quechua” is a language and not an ethnic category (Robin, 2004). On
the other, even the peasants do not consider themselves indigenous (indígenas).
The Park’s claim makes sense within the United Nations definition of indigeneity, wherein a generic and consensual definition has been adopted (Verdeaux
& Roussel, 2006). What is more, at international events, the representatives of
local and indigenous communities (to use the established terminology) are in a
minority. Their spokespeople are equated with the populations they represent,
whether they are indigenous leaders, representatives of community associations,
or representatives of pro-indigenous NGOs. Ramos (1994), using Amazonian
case studies in Brazil, shows how the recognition of indigenous communities’
rights and the growing importance of environmental conservation together have
led to the representation of a “hyperreal Indian” by pro-indigenous institutions.
This representation is not easy to reconcile with the realities of local people, but
helps them to defend certain rights, especially land rights (Albert, 1993). Within
the working group on article 8( j) of the CBD, a similar process has taken place:
the figure of the hyperreal Indian has established itself on an international scale
(see Hall’s Chapter 4, in this volume that focuses specifically on the way indigenous people and local communities (IPLCs) participate in the CBD meetings).
The recognition of Sumaq kawsay by Bolivia has also had repercussions in this
domain. Since the adoption of the new Bolivian constitution in 2005 under the
Evo Morales government, the country has used all available opportunities to
assert, loudly and clearly, the need to rethink the relationship between humankind and nature. As a “State party” (i.e., signatory country), Bolivia has an official say and a vote at the Conference of the Parties (COP) of the CDB, and makes