Good Living and Indigenous Potatoes 99
or even building a house, a man will usually ask those close to him (siblings,
siblings-in-law, cousins, friends) to come and help him. The people who come
receive no payment and are treated with great respect: the ayni relationship is
privileged and treasured. Subsequently, the person who benefited from this help
will have to pay back this day’s work to each helper. In rural communities such as
those in Potato Park, men keep a detailed mental record of the days of work that
are due to them and those that they have to pay back. Dense social networks of
individuals are often constructed and reinforced through ayni, and as a principle
it appears symbolically important. The ability to mobilize a large network of
mutual help translates into a social capital of great significance. Even though this
practice has declined in the agricultural domain over the last 20 years or so, its
underlying ideal of reciprocity is still highly valued.
ANDES uses this term in order to highlight the importance of reciprocity beyond the pragmatic agricultural context. In this conceptualization, Sumaq
kawsay, results directly from the quality of reciprocal relations (ayni) that exist
between the communities of humans, natural resources, and spiritual entities.
My interlocutors confirmed that they consider rituals to take place within a logic
of reciprocity similar to ayni, although they primarily conceive ayni in terms of
mutual help. Thus, the NGO’s interpretation stresses a discreet dimension of
ayni.
In its interpretation of the ayllu, ANDES takes up certain local concepts while
also proposing something new. In Andean communities, offerings to Pachamama
must be made in order to ensure a good harvest. The offering of August 1st,
which begins the agricultural cycle, is especially important
23 and livestock farmers observe specific rituals (Ricard Lanata, 2010). Decreased productivity and
ominous signs of climate change are often associated with the gradual abandon
of these rituals (de la Cadena, 2010; Cometti, 2015), thus putting reciprocal relationships between humans and non-humans at risk. The logic of this reciprocity
makes sense within a particular conceptualization of humans, plants, animals,
and various elements of the landscape. Ethnographic research has shown clearly
that humans share the same vital energy, called animu or samay, with plants, animals, Pachamama, and the apus (Allen, 1982; La Riva González, 2005; Ricard
Lanata, 2010). Moreover, entities such as Pachamama and the apu (or awki) play
a fundamental role in the proper circulation and conservation of this energy.
The rituals owed to these entities aim to satisfy them so that they will bring the
necessary energy for the success of various human endeavors, especially health,
livestock breeding, and agricultural production. This is manifest not only in
rituals, but also in daily practices related to production. For example, the local
classification of potatoes is based on distinct uses for potatoes. One of the three
categories of potato grown is the cooking potato (wayku papa) that is clearly
distinguished from the peeling potato (monda papa). To peel a wayku papa risks
disturbing its state of animu – in both its energetic and emotional senses – due
to the pain inflicted by the knife cutting into its flesh. As the animu of plants is
conceived collectively, injuring one potato could mean the end of production of
or even building a house, a man will usually ask those close to him (siblings,
siblings-in-law, cousins, friends) to come and help him. The people who come
receive no payment and are treated with great respect: the ayni relationship is
privileged and treasured. Subsequently, the person who benefited from this help
will have to pay back this day’s work to each helper. In rural communities such as
those in Potato Park, men keep a detailed mental record of the days of work that
are due to them and those that they have to pay back. Dense social networks of
individuals are often constructed and reinforced through ayni, and as a principle
it appears symbolically important. The ability to mobilize a large network of
mutual help translates into a social capital of great significance. Even though this
practice has declined in the agricultural domain over the last 20 years or so, its
underlying ideal of reciprocity is still highly valued.
ANDES uses this term in order to highlight the importance of reciprocity beyond the pragmatic agricultural context. In this conceptualization, Sumaq
kawsay, results directly from the quality of reciprocal relations (ayni) that exist
between the communities of humans, natural resources, and spiritual entities.
My interlocutors confirmed that they consider rituals to take place within a logic
of reciprocity similar to ayni, although they primarily conceive ayni in terms of
mutual help. Thus, the NGO’s interpretation stresses a discreet dimension of
ayni.
In its interpretation of the ayllu, ANDES takes up certain local concepts while
also proposing something new. In Andean communities, offerings to Pachamama
must be made in order to ensure a good harvest. The offering of August 1st,
which begins the agricultural cycle, is especially important
23 and livestock farmers observe specific rituals (Ricard Lanata, 2010). Decreased productivity and
ominous signs of climate change are often associated with the gradual abandon
of these rituals (de la Cadena, 2010; Cometti, 2015), thus putting reciprocal relationships between humans and non-humans at risk. The logic of this reciprocity
makes sense within a particular conceptualization of humans, plants, animals,
and various elements of the landscape. Ethnographic research has shown clearly
that humans share the same vital energy, called animu or samay, with plants, animals, Pachamama, and the apus (Allen, 1982; La Riva González, 2005; Ricard
Lanata, 2010). Moreover, entities such as Pachamama and the apu (or awki) play
a fundamental role in the proper circulation and conservation of this energy.
The rituals owed to these entities aim to satisfy them so that they will bring the
necessary energy for the success of various human endeavors, especially health,
livestock breeding, and agricultural production. This is manifest not only in
rituals, but also in daily practices related to production. For example, the local
classification of potatoes is based on distinct uses for potatoes. One of the three
categories of potato grown is the cooking potato (wayku papa) that is clearly
distinguished from the peeling potato (monda papa). To peel a wayku papa risks
disturbing its state of animu – in both its energetic and emotional senses – due
to the pain inflicted by the knife cutting into its flesh. As the animu of plants is
conceived collectively, injuring one potato could mean the end of production of